Rebirth: I am in Jin-Cha-Ji

Therefore, there are many doubts about the coexistence of socialist countries and imperialist countries.

But now Wei Hongjun said that coexistence wasn't just for a short period of time, but for the long term. Comrade Xiuyang put down his pen and said, "Comrade Hongjun, then you agree with Comrade Khrushchev's theory of 'peaceful coexistence.'"

"I agree with Comrade Khrushchev's judgment that socialist and imperialist countries should coexist, but I don't quite agree with his approach to 'peaceful coexistence.' At the 20th Congress of the CPSU, our delegation held several discussions with the top leaders of the CPSU in Moscow. The content of these discussions has been compiled and will be reported to the Central Committee later. Comrade Khrushchev and other top leaders of the CPSU's approach to 'peaceful coexistence' smacks of compromise, which I do not agree with."

Wei Hongjun agreed with Khrushchev's judgment, but despised his approach.

So he said directly, "Judging from the attitude of Comrade Khrushchev and the top leaders of the CPSU, they want to seek peace through concessions. I think this is inappropriate and will deal a huge blow to the international communist movement. Even within our socialist countries, there are contradictions and struggles, let alone between socialist countries and imperialist countries. There are bound to be many contradictions between the two sides. If both sides want to 'coexist peacefully', they need to fight for peace, not compromise for peace."

"We should remain cautious regarding specific issues. It would be more appropriate to make a judgment after having more discussions with Comrade Khrushchev and others."

The Prime Minister interrupted.

The Prime Minister, who was in charge of foreign affairs, disagreed with Wei Hongjun's statement of "struggle for peace." New China's diplomatic situation had finally opened up, and its relations with European countries had improved significantly. The only thing missing was establishing diplomatic relations with European countries.

At this time, we should be even more cautious and restore normal relations as quickly as possible. In the process of restoring diplomatic normalization, compromise, if necessary, is also a diplomatic art. When interacting with these countries, we cannot always put ourselves first; we must also respect their ideas.

"Struggle for peace" may have been right during the war, but the Prime Minister disagrees with this approach in diplomacy. This is because, in his opinion, this approach is not conducive to the normalization of diplomatic relations now.

But I can't say it directly.

The Chairman nodded and said, "Comrade Wu Hao is right. Comrade Khrushchev's 'Three Peaces' theory doesn't show any clear compromise with imperialism. Furthermore, the report only states a general direction, without any specific policy measures. Therefore, we need to increase communication with Comrade Khrushchev and the Central Committee of the CPSU to understand their specific ideas. Let's continue discussing the question of whether imperialism will persist in the long term. What do you think of Comrade Hongjun's assessment just now?"

"I agree with the Red Army comrades' judgment."

Although the Premier opposed Wei Hongjun's view of "struggle for peace", he still agreed with Wei Hongjun's judgment.

"Last year, our delegation to Europe also had contact with proletarian parties in various European countries. It was clear that European capitalists had made certain concessions to the working class, granting them certain rights and status. The living standards of the European working class have improved significantly compared to the time of Marx and Lenin. This is a manifestation of the bourgeoisie in the European imperialist countries trying to ease contradictions. They fear another October Revolution in Europe, so they are making compromises with the working class. This compromise will ease contradictions and prolong the life of the imperialist countries."

The Ministry of Foreign Affairs delegation traveled around Europe.

It's clear that the labor movement, which flourished at the end of World War II, essentially vanished within the past decade. One key reason for this is that the number of unemployed workers has significantly decreased compared to the end of World War II, and wages have risen significantly. In particular, with the recovery of the European economy, workers' living standards have risen significantly.

The conflict has eased a lot.

Therefore, the Prime Minister also believes that socialist revolution will not occur in these imperialist countries in the short term.

"Trade between my country and the Soviet Union also reveals the enormous gap between industrial and agricultural nations. The machinery, equipment, airplanes, and automobiles we import from the Soviet Union are very expensive, while the agricultural and sideline products and other processed products we export to the Soviet Union are very cheap. European and American imperialist countries are all industrial powers; their exported industrial products are very expensive, while the prices of imported raw materials are very low. The profit margin in between is enormous. With these profits, we can make further concessions and ease the contradictions between the bourgeoisie and the proletariat."

Zhou Bin has been in charge of China's foreign trade, so he is very familiar with this area. Wei Hongjun and Zhou Bin often discuss the development trends of world trade, including how trade with European and American countries will develop.

So he supported Wei Hongjun's opinion.

Zhou Bin's case is the most special.

He has the qualifications, rank, and achievements, but for special reasons he is only a member of the Central Committee. However, he is also the Vice Premier of the State Council, holding a high position of power and presiding over the most powerful departments.

So no one regarded him as an ordinary member of the Central Committee.

Although no one wants to admit it, the development of imperialism is an objective fact.

After a round of investigation, they realized that imperialism truly could not be eliminated in a short period of time. Since imperialism could not be eliminated, the only option was to coexist with these imperialist countries. At this point, the Commander-in-Chief said, "Let's coexist. How can we be afraid of these imperialist countries? I read Comrade Khrushchev's 'Three Peaces' report, and there's a paragraph that says the advent of the atomic bomb will actually maintain peace. Because the atomic bomb's destructive power is so great, people dare not start large-scale wars at will. I think there's some truth to this judgment. Powerful, destructive weapons will undoubtedly make those imperialist warmongers cautious. Especially when major powers are wary of each other, a balance will be formed."

"The Commander-in-Chief is right."

Nie Shuai supported this, saying, "But to maintain this balance, we must also have a big gun in our hands. Only in this way can we have the confidence to maintain balance."

Everyone quickly reached a consensus.

That is, imperialism cannot collapse in a short period of time, and China must be prepared to coexist with these imperialist countries for a long time. The premise of such coexistence is that China must have its own military strength to deter the enemy from fighting.

Only in this way can we achieve "peaceful coexistence".

Therefore, the central government's desire for the atomic bomb went a step further.

Of course, the Central Committee's consensus on the long-term existence of imperialism will directly influence subsequent Central Committee policies. The Chairman then asked, "What do you think of Khrushchev's 'Secret Report', comrades?"

983 Merits and Demerits

Khrushchev’s “secret report” was the central government’s biggest headache.

This is a disaster for the international communist movement.

After the birth of scientific communism, several schools of thought emerged, each with its own political philosophies. However, following the success of the October Revolution, the most powerful and influential faction emerged in the international communist movement: the Marxist-Leninist school.

The people who are admired are Marx, Engels and Lenin.

His strength is the strongest.

The reason is that compared to other schools of thought, the Marxist-Leninist school has a successful example: the success of the October Revolution and the subsequent establishment of the Soviet Union. No matter how beautiful the words are, they cannot compare to a successful example.

So after the October Revolution, Marxism-Leninism gradually became the most important school of scientific communism.

However, it was during the Stalin era that Marxism-Leninism was truly introduced to the world and the international communist movement flourished. After all, Lenin died in 1924, and the subsequent international communist movement was led by Comrade Stalin.

At the time, when proletarian political parties around the world were training cadres, they would send people to the Soviet Union to study. The Soviet Union also established schools specifically to help these proletarian political parties train cadres. For example, many of the early leaders of the Chinese Communist Party studied in the Soviet Union.

Even the Party Congress would be held in the Soviet Union.

At that time, for leaders of proletarian parties around the world, being able to meet Comrade Stalin and listen to his teachings was a great honor. Comrade Stalin was not only a leader of the international communist movement, but also its spiritual pillar.

Now the CPSU itself completely denies Comrade Stalin.

Khrushchev's "Secret Report" virtually portrayed Comrade Stalin as a "butcher" and "big devil" who murdered countless people for personal ambition. It was as if Comrade Stalin had never done a single good thing in his life and was a "big villain" who only did evil things.

This has directly destroyed the legal basis and spiritual support of the international communist movement over the past thirty years.

Where will the international communist movement go from here? What will these proletarian parties do?

Comrade Stalin, who led the international communist movement for thirty years, was a "big bad guy" and a "big devil." Comrade Stalin never did anything good in his life. The same is certainly true of the international communist movement that developed under his leadership.

Communism is a belief.

However, Comrade Stalin, who led the international communist movement, was a "tyrant" and "executioner" without any faith, driven only by personal ambition. So, can you believe that the communists who followed Comrade Stalin had any faith?

How will these proletarian political parties have the nerve to tell the world, and their own people, that socialism is an advanced system? And how can they explain this to their own vast number of communist-believing party members?

How do you respond when other factions in the country question you?

Even the leader who led the international communist movement for 30 years is the "big devil". You political parties and party leaders who believe in Marxism-Leninism, aren't you the "little devils" around the "big devil"?

As soon as Khrushchev's "Secret Report" came out, the proletarian party had already lost without any theoretical debate.

No matter how much you explain, it's useless.

Khrushchev's idea was to elevate Lenin's status in order to preserve the CPSU's legitimacy and continue to develop Marxism-Leninism. But this was completely unrealistic. If Comrade Stalin had only been in power for five or six years, or even ten, perhaps this approach would have been feasible.

You could say it's setting things right.

But Comrade Stalin led the Soviet and international communist movement for a full thirty years.

Comrade Stalin was behind the Soviet Union's socialist economic construction, its anti-fascist war, and the birth of so many socialist countries. Under such circumstances, if you completely deny Comrade Stalin, how can you write about these histories?

The CCP has also encountered this problem.

The Chinese Communist Party, also a Marxist-Leninist party, has always recognized Comrade Stalin as a leader of the international communist movement. At important occasions, the CCP displays portraits of Marx, Engels, Lenin, and Stalin, placing Comrade Stalin alongside Marx, Engels, and Lenin. Even Stalin's 70th birthday was widely reported by the CCP, with large-scale celebrations taking place throughout the country.

Now that Comrade Stalin is called the "big devil", how do you view the Chinese Communist Party?

So everyone's expressions were very solemn.

If possible, everyone would have wanted to arrest Khrushchev and give him a good beating. Khrushchev's reckless move had a serious impact on the CCP.

"Comrade Stalin made contributions to the construction of socialism in the Soviet Union and the anti-fascist war. To say that Comrade Stalin made only mistakes and to completely deny his achievements is inconsistent with dialectical materialism."

Comrade Xiuyang spoke.

If the CPSU wants to dig its own grave, that is the CPSU's business.

The CCP absolutely cannot follow the Soviet Union's lead on this issue. Although Comrade Stalin was not the founder of the CCP, completely denying Comrade Stalin would not be a good thing for the CCP in terms of international and domestic public opinion.

The major leaders of the central government are all aware of this.

So Comrade Xiuyang immediately expressed his opinion.

"Yes. Comrade Khrushchev's report is deeply flawed, and its assessment of Comrade Stalin is extremely biased. Comrade Stalin made mistakes, but his contributions should not be completely negated simply because of his mistakes."

The Prime Minister also supports Comrade Xiuyang's views.

If you were just criticizing the "cult of personality," the CCP would likely agree. But if you were to completely deny Comrade Stalin, the CCP certainly wouldn't go along with Khrushchev's madness.

Everyone quickly shared the same sentiment. Even those present, who had been involved in the revolution for decades and had experienced many ups and downs, found it difficult to accept Khrushchev's "Secret Report."

What about the ordinary party members?

How do they accept it?

At this time, Propaganda Minister Xi Zhongxun said, "The current problem is that Comrade Khrushchev's 'secret report' is still secret. But will this report be made public in the near future? If this report is made public, how should we carry out our propaganda work?"

Xi Zhongxun is under the greatest pressure now.

Because so many problems suddenly arose at the 20th Congress of the CPSU, the entire propaganda plan was disrupted.

Domestic newspapers, when reporting on the 20th Congress of the CPSU, can only focus on the Soviet Union's Sixth Five-Year Plan. Many other sensitive issues have been stopped from being reported.

But Xi Jinping's biggest concern now is that Khrushchev's "secret report" will be leaked, spread to China, and widely disseminated there. How will the Propaganda Department respond? Faced with the chaotic thinking within the Party and the questioning of many intellectuals, how will it be controlled?

"I can't hide it."

Wei Hongjun answered directly.

The current meeting was convened by the Central Committee to deal with the turmoil caused by Khrushchev's "Secret Report".

The worst-case scenario must be told.

Wei Hongjun explained, "At the secret meeting following the 1400th Congress of the CPSU, nearly representatives from the CPSU were present. After the meeting, the CPSU began contacting delegations from other proletarian parties and conveyed the contents of the 'secret report.' Before we returned to China, the CPSU Central Committee had even published this report to all levels of Party committees, demanding that they and non-Party activists study it. So, although the CPSU seemed to be keeping this report 'secret,' and they asked us not to disseminate it, it had actually already been widely disseminated throughout the Soviet Union and was completely uncontrollable."

"Besides, the complete negation of Comrade Stalin is a ready-made weapon for the European and American imperialists to attack Marxism-Leninism and the socialist camp. I believe the intelligence agencies of the European and American imperialists will not miss such a good opportunity. They will definitely spread Comrade Khrushchev's 'secret report' among various socialist countries. Therefore, we must also prepare for the worst. Our country cannot hide it either."

After Wei Hongjun said this, everyone's faces became much uglier.

I couldn't help but greet Khrushchev again in my heart.

Too reckless.

At the very least, you should have informed everyone so they could be prepared. This would be a complete surprise attack on the socialist camp. China is relatively safe. After all, while the CCP has always held high the banner of Marx, Engels, Lenin, and Stalin, it ultimately built its own empire.

The Communist Party of China established the People's Republic of China through more than two decades of armed struggle. Within the Party, it had also established its own revolutionary leader. Comrade Stalin, while highly respected and influential, was not its own revolutionary leader.

But what do you want the Eastern European countries to do?

They relied entirely on the Soviet Red Army and Comrade Stalin to establish their socialist countries. Therefore, after the establishment of these Eastern European socialist countries, they all followed Comrade Stalin's line not only politically but also economically.

Now that Comrade Stalin is the "big devil", then Comrade Stalin's line must also be wrong.

The theoretical basis of Eastern European political parties collapsed directly.

"Comrade Wei Hongjun is right."