Rebirth: I am in Jin-Cha-Ji

Zhang Wentian spoke from behind.

"Before the delegation returned home, not only grassroots Party members in the Soviet Union, but also many Soviet people had heard about Comrade Khrushchev's 'secret report.' Although they didn't read the original report, they all knew that Comrade Khrushchev had completely repudiated Comrade Stalin at the 20th Congress of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union, and conflicts broke out in many places. So this matter could not be concealed, and it was only a matter of time before it spread to China."

This matter cannot be concealed at all.

In a short period of time, the situation in the Soviet Union had become so serious. The European and American intelligence agencies were not blind. They had tried every possible way to attack Comrade Stalin but failed, but the Soviet Communist Party itself accomplished it.

How could they let go of such a good opportunity?

"We have to be proactive in this kind of thing."

The chairman interrupted at this time.

"Propaganda is all about initiative. Being passive and responding to every move is the worst kind of failure. Only by taking the initiative and actively promoting our ideas can we avoid being led astray."

"Furthermore, we also need to make a statement. Comrade Stalin was not only a member and leader of the CPSU, he was also a former leader of the international communist movement. The evaluation of Comrade Stalin is not exclusive to the CPSU; only they can evaluate Comrade Stalin. As part of the international communist movement, we are fully qualified to evaluate Comrade Stalin."

The Chairman personally did the propaganda work.

Therefore, they were very familiar with propaganda work. Now that Khrushchev's "secret report" could no longer be concealed, they had to be prepared for it to happen. They could only seize the initiative and not wait for the "secret report" to reach China and then react passively.

"If this is the case, then we must make a clear assessment of Comrade Stalin and report it publicly."

The Prime Minister spoke.

The Chairman nodded and said, "Yes, we must race against time. Before the 'Secret Report' is fully transmitted to China, we must first give Comrade Stalin a clear assessment. Only by first getting our assessment across the Party and beyond can we avoid major problems under the impact of the 'Secret Report'."

Comrade Xiuyang interjected, "We must firmly grasp the fact that Comrade Stalin was a great Marxist-Leninist. His mistakes cannot obscure the fact that he was a great communist."

Comrade Xiuyang has been in charge of party affairs for many years.

Immediately grasped the core.

The CCP must firmly insist that Comrade Stalin was a great Marxist-Leninist and a great communist. Although he made mistakes, we cannot completely negate him just because of these mistakes.

The chairman nodded.

"Comrade Xiuyang is absolutely right," he said. "We must view Comrade Stalin from a historical perspective, make a comprehensive and appropriate analysis of his correct and incorrect points, and thus draw useful lessons from them."

"However, the CPSU has not yet published Khrushchev's secret report, and the consequences of this incident are still developing. Therefore, it is not appropriate for us to directly address the 'secret report'. Therefore, my suggestion is to support the report of the 20th Congress of the CPSU opposing the personality cult, and to make some positive arguments to remedy the impulsive mistakes made by Comrade Khrushchev in his 'secret report'. We should analyze Comrade Stalin's life, pointing out his serious mistakes but also emphasizing his great achievements. Regarding the errors in our Party's line related to Comrade Stalin in history, we should only discuss our own side, without involving Comrade Stalin. We should also analyze the personality cult and explain that our Party has always advocated the implementation of the mass line and democratic centralism and opposed the prominence of individuals. The article should not be too long and should be targeted and reasoned. What are your opinions, comrades?"

"This is a good idea."

The Prime Minister supports it.

Although Khrushchev's "secret report" could no longer be concealed, the Soviet Communist Party had not published it publicly. China could not directly write articles or issue statements targeting the "secret report."

But in order to prepare for possible future shocks, the CCP must have its own attitude.

What the Chairman said is very appropriate.

This statement expressed the CCP's assessment of Comrade Stalin, but it did not fiercely confront Comrade Khrushchev. It simply summarized some aspects of our Party's history, adding a direct criticism of "personality cult" and "personal superstition," and further emphasized democratic centralism and the mass line. It also served as a gesture of support for Comrade Khrushchev's political report at the 20th Congress of the CPSU.

Everyone else nodded.

For now, this is the only way.

The Chairman looked around and his eyes fell on Chen Boda. He said, "Comrade Chen Boda, your Policy Research Office must write a corresponding article as soon as possible."

"Yes."

Chen Boda is a theorist and writer within the party.

This kind of article is his forte.

"Right now, shouldn't we announce some of our economic achievements? Use the good news about our economic development to mask the impact of the 'secret report'."

Deng Xixian spoke up and put forward his opinions.

With more things happening, there will naturally be less attention paid to "secret reports".

Since its founding on May 1948, 5, New China has achieved brilliant success in economic development. This year happens to be the last year of the First Five-Year Plan, and many data are very impressive.

It is a good opportunity to announce it to boost morale and divert attention at the same time.

“That’s a good idea.”

The Prime Minister supported Deng Xixian's idea.

Others nodded.

New China's brilliant economic achievements are unassailable. After all, they are hard-hitting statistics. With achievements, one can speak with confidence. Previously, we only considered theoretically how to avoid turmoil, but not directly addressing breakthroughs.

The Chairman agreed and said, "After the Fifth Session of the Eighth Central Committee, we will gradually announce the good news of the completion of the First Five-Year Plan. Comrade Deng Xixian, your Planning Commission must provide the most accurate data."

"Yes."

"We must also publish not only the economic data from the First Five-Year Plan, but also other achievements since the founding of the People's Republic of China. We must also publish the work of resisting U.S. aggression and aiding Korea, suppressing bandits, land reform, banning opium, and combating corruption, so that the people of the country can review our work over the past eight years. This can also be considered as preparation for the Ninth National Congress of the Party. Comrade Wu Hao, you will take charge of this work."

"it is good."

After making these arrangements, the Chairman turned the topic to the next steps. He asked Wei Hongjun, "Comrade Hongjun, we have read the report you submitted to the Central Committee. It was rather sketchy. Now, please elaborate on this aspect."

"Yes."

Wei Hongjun said, "Our delegation had a lot of contact with high-level Soviet officials in Moscow this time. I believe there are still some differences between Comrade Khrushchev and leaders like Malenkov and Molotov regarding Comrade Stalin. However, Comrade Khrushchev is now the top leader of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union, so they haven't expressed anything publicly. But I think this situation is very dangerous."

"Especially after Comrade Khrushchev's 'Secret Report' came out, the Soviet Union is currently experiencing intense unrest. This report has caused ideological confusion within the Communist Party of the Soviet Union, which could easily lead to conflicts on all fronts. Before we returned home, sporadic conflicts had already occurred in various parts of the Soviet Union. If the conflicts intensify, Comrade Malenkov, Comrade Molotov, and others will most likely hold Comrade Khrushchev accountable for these problems. This is a domestic issue within the Soviet Union."

"The other issue is within the socialist camp. Before we returned home, many leaders of proletarian parties who had attended the 20th Congress of the CPSU came to us. Some of them hoped we would speak out, expressing dissatisfaction with Comrade Khrushchev's 'secret report.' Comrade Khrushchev's sudden attack left other fraternal parties resentful. In fact, it has caused a rift between fraternal parties in the socialist camp and the international communist movement."

"Europe was the forefront of the Cold War and a key area of ​​defense for European and American imperialism. Khrushchev's 'secret report' will undoubtedly spread widely throughout the socialist countries of Eastern Europe. The political foundations of Eastern European countries are inherently unstable. Although they are socialist countries, their regimes were established at the end of World War II under the immense pressure of the Soviet Red Army, through a coalition of Eastern European proletarian parties and local powerful groups. The foundation of their stability has always been Soviet pressure, the pressure of Comrade Stalin. Now that the CPSU has completely repudiated Comrade Stalin, once this news reaches Eastern European countries, chaos is inevitable."

"Comrade Khrushchev would then face pressure from both within and outside the Soviet Party, as well as chaos within the socialist camp. The aftermath of the 'secret report' would cause Comrade Khrushchev to lose a certain degree of control over both the Soviet Union and the socialist camp."

Everyone looked ugly.

Although I had thought about the sequelae of the "secret report", what Wei Hongjun said was much more serious.

Contradictions within the CPSU, within the Soviet Union, and even within Eastern European countries. These contradictions always existed, but were simply covered up or suppressed. However, after the CPSU completely repudiated Comrade Stalin, these contradictions erupted.

Those contradictions that were covered up and suppressed are becoming more and more intense under the instigation of external forces.

It might even burn everything.

Of course, this was a devastating blow to those proletarian parties that were still pursuing the establishment of a socialist state. How could they continue to promote their theories and gain people's trust?

Even they themselves may doubt their own beliefs.

It can be said that this was definitely a catastrophe for the international communist movement.

"Especially in Eastern Europe, the turmoil this time will far exceed the chaos in 1953 after the death of Comrade Stalin."

"Keep talking."

The chairman also looked solemn.

However, the Chairman still agreed with Wei Hongjun's analysis.

"If a serious problem arises, Comrade Khrushchev will inevitably seek our support. I believe that we should support Comrade Khrushchev both publicly and privately."

"From a broad perspective, although Comrade Khrushchev's 'Secret Report' has had a huge impact on the international communist movement and the countries of the socialist camp, my country is, after all, a country in the socialist camp and a member of the international communist movement. Maintaining the stability of the socialist camp is imperative. Analyzing the current situation, the Soviet Union, as the only superpower in the socialist camp, will remain the core country of the socialist camp for some time to come. If the Soviet Union loses its leadership over the countries of the socialist camp, it will easily cause a split in the socialist camp. Therefore, supporting Comrade Khrushchev and the Soviet Union is maintaining the unity of the socialist camp."

"From a selfish perspective, Comrade Khrushchev wants to gain our country's support and the Chairman's endorsement within the international communist movement. So, just as he did during his 1953 visit to my country, he will certainly make concessions on many fronts. This will, first of all, improve relations between the two parties. The CPSU has always preferred to adopt a 'big brother' attitude toward other socialist parties. But we can use this incident to convince the CPSU to accept equality. The relationship between political parties should be that of 'fraternal parties,' not 'big brother parties.' This will improve relations between the countries of the socialist camp."

"The second is economic and military. We can use this opportunity to introduce more industrial projects from the Soviet Union, including both economic and military projects. Comrade Khrushchev will be eager to gain our support and will certainly make significant concessions on these cooperation projects. This is a very important opportunity for our country's economic and military development."

This time, Wei Hongjun gave a relatively complete explanation of the countermeasures.

Comrade Deng Xixian continued, "These days, I've been studying this issue with Comrades Li Fuchun, Deng Zhihui, and Li Xiannian. If we can seize this opportunity, then after the Second Five-Year Plan, my country will have a relatively comprehensive industrial base."

This is not bragging.

If the Second Five-Year Plan could be successfully completed, the industry of New China would have a very good foundation.

But now another opportunity has fallen upon China. If it can seize this opportunity, then after the Second Five-Year Plan, China can almost be said to have a fairly comprehensive industrial base.

Perhaps industrial technology is still very backward and lacks high-end technology.

But there is already the possibility of continued development.

Therefore, Deng Xixian agreed with Wei Hongjun's suggestion. Deng Xixian believed in pragmatism. If he didn't get something good out of such a good opportunity, it would be a waste.

"The stability of the socialist camp is important."

The Chairman spoke.

Although there was no direct agreement, the meaning was clear.

Chairman Mao attaches great importance to the stability of the socialist camp. The current US-Soviet rivalry has both advantages and disadvantages. However, if it ends and the socialist camp splits, allowing US imperialism to gain the upper hand, it would not be a good thing for China.

Besides, if the socialist camp splits, what will happen to the international communist movement?

Several points of consensus were quickly reached at the meeting. First, regarding Khrushchev's "Secret Report," no one was allowed to make any irresponsible comments or evaluations. The Chinese Communist Party would not issue any statement on the "Secret Report" until the Soviet Communist Party officially released it.

However, in order to counter the impact of the "Secret Report," the Central Committee decided to write an article entitled "The Historical Experience of the Proletarian Dictatorship." The core of the article was to first clarify that Comrade Stalin was a great Marxist-Leninist, then criticize "personality cult" and "personal superstition" and promote national centralism.

Then, in the name of welcoming the eighth anniversary of the founding of New China, the various achievements of the past eight years were announced.

Then be prepared.

If Comrade Khrushchev really needs the support of the CPC and Chairman Mao, as Wei Hongjun judged, how should the CPC negotiate with Comrade Khrushchev, how should it support the Soviet Union in stabilizing the socialist camp, how should it obtain more support from the Soviet Union for economic construction, etc.

Only when you are prepared can you be calm.

Unlike in history, Khrushchev rushed to visit China in April in an attempt to gain China's support. However, China was not well prepared, so although the negotiations yielded some results, they were not as significant as expected.

984 Fifth Session of the Eighth Central Committee

The Central Committee was really on high alert for Khrushchev's "secret report."

Because the bad news keeps coming.

Just two days after Wei Hongjun returned to China, a large-scale bloodshed erupted in Tbilisi, Georgia. March 1956, 3, marked the third anniversary of Stalin's death. Many places were planning commemorative events, including those organized by local Party committees and governments.

However, with the report of the 20th Congress of the CPSU and the news of Khrushchev's "secret report", the original activities turned directly into a march and demonstration.

They expressed their dissatisfaction directly to the Central Committee of the CPSU.

This kind of mass incident can easily lead to chaos and various conflicts. This is what happened in Georgia. Demonstrations took place in many cities across Georgia, with the most intense situation in Tbilisi. The demonstrators in Tbilisi gradually gathered, and later workers, university students, and middle school students also joined in, causing factories in Tbilisi to close, schools to be closed, and traffic to be disrupted. As more and more people learned about the "secret report," the number of people participating in the demonstrations grew larger and larger. The demonstrations began on the 5th, and by the 10th, the conflicts had intensified. The demonstrators began to surround the building of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of Georgia, the government building, and the headquarters building of the Transcaucasian Military District.

Request these departments to respond.

They also occupied the Telegraph Building and sent a telegram to the Central Committee of the CPSU in Moscow, expressing their dissatisfaction with the 20th Congress of the CPSU and the "Secret Report," demanding that Comrade Khrushchev and the Central Committee of the CPSU correct their mistakes.

The situation escalated, and Georgia was completely unable to control it, or rather, they didn't know how to handle it. Ultimately, they had to deploy troops and tanks to suppress the situation. Dozens were killed, hundreds were injured, and a large number of people were arrested. Most of these individuals were sentenced, ranging from ten years to one year.

The bloody incident in Tbilisi caused an uproar across the country.