Rebirth: I am in Jin-Cha-Ji

"I think the central government will be able to see Comrade Gao Gang's performance. Once the central government decides to develop the central and western provinces on a large scale, it will definitely need cadres like Comrade Gao Gang who are familiar with the central and western provinces."

Fifty-one years old is not old in the political arena.

As long as Gao Gang can achieve results, a comeback is possible. After all, at Gao Gang's current level, even if he's demoted now, he should have no problem staying active for another ten years. Who can say that there won't be a turnaround in a decade?

Of course, Gao Gang was no novice. While his previous political struggles seemed naive, that didn't mean he was clueless. Despite Wei Hongjun's ramblings, secretly encouraging himself, Gao Gang knew it would be extremely difficult for him to make a comeback.

After all, he failed in his power struggle with Comrade Xiuyang and the Prime Minister.

As long as these two big guys are still in office, even the chairman must give them enough respect.

But that’s how people are.

Sometimes there is a glimmer of hope and I don’t want to let it go.

While a comeback would be difficult, what Wei Hongjun said wasn't impossible. If the central government truly wanted to develop the central and western provinces on a large scale, he might actually have a chance. While the hope was slim, there was still a glimmer of hope.

So Gao Gang's expression kept changing.

Wei Hongjun concluded by saying, "Comrade Gao Gang, the Chairman asked us to come here because he hopes you can recognize your mistakes and correct them in your work. The Chairman has always advocated 'curing the illness and saving the patient,' rather than condemning cadres who have made mistakes."

Wei Hongjun and Gao Gang do not have such a deep personal friendship.

The reason Wei Hongjun could say this was because he didn't want anything to happen to Gao Gang that would affect the stability of the central government. Li Fuchun, however, had worked with Gao Gang in the Northeast for several years and was very confident in Gao Gang's work ability.

Of course, Li Fuchun was also somewhat dissatisfied with Gao Gang's personality and work style.

But after all, they had a certain degree of friendship, so Li Fuchun said, "Lao Gao, you have made great contributions to the recovery and development of Northeast China's industry. In the future, the industrial layout and industrial development of our country will also have your contribution."

After the three of them finished talking, they were about to leave Gao Gang's house.

But before Wei Hongjun left, Gao Gang spoke up, "How many people can you give me? What kind of power can you give me? How will I deal with the local government when I get there?"

Wei Hongjun was overjoyed when Gao Gang said this.

As long as Gao Gang didn't commit suicide, the problem would be easy to solve. So Wei Hongjun turned around and said, "The Politburo hasn't discussed the specific situation yet. But they will discuss the specifics soon. Comrade Gao Gang, you can consider this issue during this time. You can write a report to the Secretariat and have it forwarded to the Politburo. The Politburo will consider Comrade Gao Gang's opinions."

In fact, it is impossible for the Politburo to hold a meeting specifically for this matter.

The members of the Politburo are all very busy.

So the Politburo's intention was to have the Secretariat come up with a framework and plan first, then submit it to the Politburo for review. Wei Hongjun, of course, wouldn't share these details with Gao Gang. Furthermore, Wei Hongjun hoped Gao Gang would truly work hard and come up with an industrial development plan for the central and western provinces, so he was willing to give him some authority. He would let him formulate his own requests, and he would try to meet them if possible.

"it is good."

Gao Gang nodded.

After regaining some of his composure, he addressed Wei Hongjun, Deng Xixian, and Li Fuchun directly: "Please tell the Chairman for me. I have failed his trust and expectations, and I have failed the Party's years of cultivation. I will continue to work hard for the Party."

The three people came out of Gao Gang's house and breathed a sigh of relief.

It would be better for Gao Gang to take up his post honestly.

The three of them immediately went to report to the Chairman. After hearing Gao Gang's final words, the Chairman felt relieved. Li Fuchun returned to the State Council, while Wei Hongjun and Deng Xixian went to Xi Zhongxun's side.

Prepare to discuss the next Propaganda Department matters with Xi Zhongxun.

"Secretary Wei, Secretary Deng."

When Wei Hongjun and his companions arrived, Xi Zhongxun was seeing off Comrade Liu Jingfan, Deputy Minister of Supervision. Liu Jingfan wasn't a well-known figure, but his brother was a prominent figure. He was Liu Zhidan, a key representative of the Shaanxi-Gansu Red Army.

When he saw Wei Hongjun and Deng Xixian, he immediately greeted them. Wei Hongjun also said, "Hello, Comrade Liu Jingfan."

Xi Zhongxun nodded to Wei Hongjun and Deng Xixian, then said to Liu Jingfan, "You may consider what I said. We still need to be cautious. Please tell Comrade Ma Mingfang and Comrade Ma Xiwu my opinion."

"Okay. But I hope you'll consider our opinions as well."

After Xi Zhongxun sent Liu Jingfan away, he asked Wei Hongjun and Deng Xixian to enter the office together. Wei Hongjun looked at Liu Jingfan's back thoughtfully, so he casually asked, "Comrade Liu Jingfan, is there anything you need your approval for?"

"You can't say they asked for my consent. It was because Comrade Liu Jingfan's lover, Comrade Li Jiantong, and the Workers' Publishing House wanted to write a novel about Comrade Liu Zhidan. Comrade Liu Jingfan hoped to get my support."

986 Revolutionary Historical Novels

"A novel about Comrade Liu Zhidan?"

"Yes. Workers Publishing House is going to publish a biographical novel about Comrade Liu Zhidan."

Xi Zhongxun nodded.

But there was no trace of happiness between his brows.

Publishing a biographical novel about Comrade Liu Zhidan, a revolutionary leader in northern Shaanxi, was a good thing. Even if the book became widely circulated and recognized by the Central Committee, it would be a good thing for cadres with revolutionary backgrounds in northern Shaanxi.

But things are never that simple.

Xi Zhongxun is currently an alternate member of the Politburo, a member of the Secretariat, Minister of the Propaganda Department, and Director of the Second General Office of the State Council. Following Gao Gang's fallout, a large number of officials from northern Shaanxi, including Zhang Xiushan and He Nianfen, were implicated. Therefore, Xi Zhongxun is currently considered the highest-ranking official from northern Shaanxi.

But Xi Zhongxun's working style is different from Gao Gang's.

I don't like to be the boss.

Both of them were born into revolutionary leadership in northern Shaanxi. While Gao Gang was known for his high profile, Xi Zhongxun was much more low-key. Xi Zhongxun was only two years older than Wei Hongjun, making him a very young cadre within the Central Committee. When he served as Secretary of the Northwest Bureau and presided over its work, he was only 32 years old, the youngest of all the local Central Committee leaders at the time. At the time, Wei Hongjun was merely a standing member of the Jin-Cha-Ji Central Bureau.

But he did not have the "arrogance" of a young man who had achieved success.

He also kept a low profile after arriving at the central government.

Otherwise, Liu Zhidan, Gao Gang, and Xi Zhongxun all worked together back then. How could Gao Gang's incident not have been related to Xi Zhongxun?

Liu Zhidan's younger brother, Liu Jingfan, and his wife, Li Jiantong, are now planning to write a biographical novel about Liu Zhidan. They have the support of numerous officials in northern Shaanxi, including Ma Mingfang, currently Deputy Minister of Organization, Ma Xiwu, Vice President of the Supreme People's Court, Wang Shitai, Deputy Minister of Railways, and Ma Wenrui, Minister of Labor.

However, although these cadres hold high positions and have great power, they still lack a truly heavyweight cadre.

So they found Xi Zhongxun.

This is a big shot in the party, one foot in the Politburo, and he is also the Minister of Propaganda. As long as Xi Zhongxun supports it, then this novel will have a smooth journey from compilation to publication.

Xi Zhongxun himself opposed writing this novel. This was due to the complexities of Northwest China's revolutionary history. In the early years, the Shaanxi-Gansu Red Army and the Shaanxi-Gansu Red Army were complementary and subordinate, leading to numerous conflicts and even incidents of disarming each other. Later, the 25th Red Army arrived from Hubei, Henan, and Anhui, and the Shaanxi-Gansu Border Region Special Committee, the Shaanxi-Gansu Special Committee, the Shaanxi Provincial Committee, the Northern Bureau, the Provisional Central Committee, and so on were involved.

During the most chaotic period of the revolution in northern Shaanxi, the Shaanxi-Gansu Border Region Special Committee and the Shaanxi-Gansu Border Region Special Committee were at odds with each other, and there were also clashes between the Shanxi Provincial Committee and the Northern Bureau. Leftist errors and a neglect of base area development contributed to the early difficulties of the Northwest Revolution. Later, Liu Zhidan and Xi Zhongxun finally began to prioritize base area development, and the situation improved significantly. As a result, the Shaanxi-Gansu Border Region Special Committee, the 200th Red Army, and the Northern Bureau launched a campaign against counter-revolutionaries in northern Shaanxi, executing nearly cadres.

The Central Red Army arrived at the perfect time, and the Party Central Committee issued an order to spare the lives of those imprisoned. Otherwise, cadres like Liu Zhidan, Gao Gang, and Xi Zhongxun would have had a hard time escaping prison alive. One can only imagine the brutality of the anti-counterrevolutionary campaign in northern Shaanxi at that time.

Therefore, the conflicts among cadres in northern Shaanxi were very serious.

And if you want to write about Liu Zhidan, you must also write about the anti-counterrevolutionary movement. Writing about the anti-counterrevolutionary movement involves many more cadres. Not only those in northern Shaanxi, but also those in the 25th Red Army.

After the Central Committee arrived in northern Shaanxi, they made some adjustments to address the issues, but they didn't truly resolve them. So, at the end of 1942, the Northwest Bureau of the CPC Central Committee convened a special meeting of senior cadres in Yan'an to resolve past historical issues. However, many people were still dissatisfied with this resolution, as it simply urged everyone to stop dwelling on historical issues.

Xi Zhongxun grew up in the Shaanxi-Gansu Revolution, so he is very clear about some internal issues.

So he didn't want to stand out.

As long as this book is written, it will cause trouble.

After Li Jiantong and the Workers' Publishing House reached an agreement, they immediately contacted Xi Zhongxun, who objected. He explicitly stated that writing a biographical novel about Liu Zhidan would inevitably involve various individuals involved at the time. A poorly written novel would reignite disputes, so he suggested holding off on the book for now. However, after Li Jiantong left, Xi Zhongxun received calls from Ma Mingfang, Ma Xiwu, and others, and now Liu Jingfan himself arrived.

Liu Jingfan told Xi Zhongxun directly: The cadres in northern Shaanxi are either dead or bad. If you don’t support the book "Liu Zhidan", who will support it?

This put Xi Zhongxun in a dilemma.

He himself is one of the important cadres in northern Shaanxi. Now the cadres in northern Shaanxi all hope to write a biography of Liu Zhidan, the leading figure in northern Shaanxi. If you continue to oppose it, how will those cadres in northern Shaanxi view you?

Maybe he felt that he was in a high position and had great power, so he wanted to suppress Liu Zhidan, make himself the banner of the Shaanxi-Gansu-Ningxia Revolution, and take all the credit for the Shaanxi-Gansu-Ningxia Revolution.

This gave Xi Zhongxun a headache.

"This kind of biographical novel is not suitable to be written now."

Wei Hongjun expressed his views very directly.

If Wei Hongjun was still a cadre of the State Council, then he would have no right to interfere in this matter.

But it's different now.

Wei Hongjun is currently the First Secretary of the Secretariat, in charge of Party affairs. Propaganda is a top priority for the Secretariat. The biographical novel "Liu Zhidan" has caused a stir in history, evolving from the "Xi-Jia-Liu (Xi Zhongxun, Jia Tuofu, and Liu Jingfan) Anti-Party Clique" to the "Northwest Anti-Party Clique" and finally to the "Peng-Gao-Xi (Peng Laozong, Gao Gang, and Xi Zhongxun) Anti-Party Clique."

Almost all the cadres who had participated in the revolution in Northwest China were rounded up, including not only the original cadres in Northern Shaanxi but also the cadres of the later Northwest Bureau.

Everything just came together at that time.

Having just experienced the Great Leap Forward, the situation was difficult both inside and outside the Party. To address the difficulties, a meeting of 7,000 people was convened. At this meeting, Comrade Xiuyang explicitly stated that the Lushan Conference against Peng Dehua was absolutely necessary because Peng Dehua had long been a member of a small clique within the Party and a key member of the Gao-Rao anti-Party clique. He also stated that Peng Dehua, Gao Gang, and Rao Shushi all had international backgrounds and were connected to certain foreigners engaging in subversive activities in China. Therefore, everyone could be rehabilitated, except Peng Dehua. (Bo Shuchun's "A Review of Some Major Decisions and Events," Volume 2)

Upon hearing the news of the conference, General Peng was deeply dissatisfied and wrote another letter to the Central Committee, the famous "80,000-word letter." It not only defended himself but also called for a reexamination of the Lushan Conference. Peng's letter had just arrived at the Central Committee when Khrushchev criticized the "People's Communes" in Eastern Europe, creating a "coincidence." At the time, Sino-Soviet relations had already begun to fall out, and the coincidence of Peng's letter and Khrushchev's statement led to the accusation that Peng was using the Soviet Union to attack the Central Committee, exploiting the current national difficulties to put pressure on the Party Central Committee and overturn his own verdict.

At this time, it was revealed that the novel "Liu Zhidan" was intended to reverse Gao Gang's verdict and cooperate with General Peng in attacking the Central Committee. General Peng and Comrade Xi Zhongxun had cooperated in the northwest for many years, and with Gao Gang, they became the "Peng, Gao, and Xi anti-Party group."

Many people only know that Kang Sheng was responsible for the "Liu Zhidan" case. However, after the novel began serialization at the Workers' Publishing House, the first person to raise objections and report it to Kang Sheng was General Yan Hongyan, a fellow Shaanxi revolutionary. Upon reading "Liu Zhidan," he was furious, believing it completely distorted the Shaanxi-Gansu revolution. Not only did he demand that publication be halted, he also reported it to Kang Sheng.

Then came Kang Sheng's famous statement about using novels to oppose the Party.

Kang Sheng served as the director of the "Xi Zhongxun Special Investigation Committee," which established a standing committee composed of Kang Sheng, An Ziwen, and Liu Huafu. An Ziwen was the head of the Organization Department at the time, and Liu Huafu was the secretary of the Northwest Bureau, established for the second time in 1960.

Later on, the case was mainly investigated by the Northwest Bureau, but Liu Huafu was actually the main person in charge.

This case demonstrates that, while it occurred at a difficult time, it was also due to the divergent views of comrades in northern Shaanxi regarding its revolutionary history. Many cadres in northern Shaanxi fully supported the "Liu Zhidan" novel, but Yan Hongyan, after reading only a few pages, turned against it. This included Vice Minister of Transportation Zhu Lizhi, Vice Minister of Food Nie Hongjun, and Deputy Director of the State Council's Seventh Office Guo Hongtao, all of whom expressed dissent towards the book.

Because this book involves leftist errors and anti-counterrevolutionary errors.

Zhu Lizhi, Nie Hongjun, Guo Hongtao, Dai Jiying, and even Cheng Zhihua were implicated in these issues and were directly responsible for the Leftist errors and the anti-counterrevolutionary campaign. Further investigation revealed that some cadres from the Northern Bureau and the Provisional Central Committee were also implicated.

"I thought the same thing."

Deng Xixian echoed Wei Hongjun, saying, "Although I'm not a cadre from northern Shaanxi, I know the complex revolutionary history of northern Shaanxi. It took many revolutionary struggles to establish a revolutionary base. Although the book is about Comrade Liu Zhidan, to write well about him, I must present a panoramic view of the revolutionary process in northern Shaanxi. This process is bound to satisfy some and dissatisfy others, and this can easily lead to controversy. If cadres from revolutionary backgrounds in northern Shaanxi disagree with each other on the book's content, and then they take the book to court, demanding a re-examination of the revolution in northern Shaanxi, it would cause great chaos."

If history were written by the Dongjiang Column or the Qiongya Column, then there would be nothing to worry about.

So what if there is controversy?

After all, they are just small forces.

If there were indeed some historical debates, they weren't too serious, being confined to the local level. This was because there were no high-ranking cadres, and the ranks of the military's leading figures were limited. Therefore, any controversy could not reach the central level. However, the revolutionary history of northern Shaanxi was different.

It is because there are too many senior cadres coming from northern Shaanxi.

In the military, including the 25th Red Army, there were one general, four lieutenant generals, and even more major generals and lieutenant generals. A large number of cadres from the Party and government agencies also emerged. Even though Gao Gang had problems, there were still many cadres from northern Shaanxi who were very active in the central government.

Therefore, once there are differences in the interpretation of the history of the Shaanxi-Northern Revolution, it will cause these cadres who came out of the Shaanxi-Northern Revolution to attack each other. Because their ranks are too high, once they are dissatisfied with each other and fight for the right to interpret the Shaanxi-Northern Revolution, it will inevitably drag the central government into it.

This is the same whether you have Kangsheng or not.

Kang Sheng's role was to fan the flames and escalate the situation. The real problem, however, lay in the differing understandings of revolutionary history among Shaanxi cadres. Otherwise, the incident of Yan Hongyan flipping the table wouldn't have occurred.

"That's exactly what I mean. The Fifth Session of the Eighth Central Committee just emphasized 'intra-Party unity,' and the Ninth National Congress will continue to emphasize 'intra-Party unity.' However, once Comrade Liu Zhidan's biographical novel begins to be published, people's understanding of the Shaanxi-Gansu-Ningxia Revolution will differ, and the first thing that will be affected is 'intra-Party unity.' This is inconsistent with the current major policies of the Central Committee."

"I know."

Xi Zhongxun nodded.