Rebirth: I am in Jin-Cha-Ji

It was precisely because he knew this that Xi Zhongxun hesitated and advised Liu Jingfan and his wife not to write this book.

But they were very determined to write this book.

"And there's another question. Comrade Xi Zhongxun, we need to consider this issue comprehensively. Comrade Gao Gang just received punishment at the Fifth Session of the Eighth Central Committee for violating Party organizational discipline. This also includes Comrade Zhang Xiushan. If we're writing a biographical novel about Comrade Liu Zhidan at this time, we'll definitely have to mention Comrade Gao Gang, Comrade Zhang Xiushan, and others. Comrade Gao Gang and Comrade Zhang Xiushan were both important leaders of the Shaanxi-Gansu-Ningxia Revolution and made contributions to its development. Should these things be included in the novel? If not, how can we fully reflect Comrade Liu Zhidan's revolutionary history? But if we do, then the contributions of Comrade Gao Gang and Comrade Zhang Xiushan to the Shaanxi-Gansu-Ningxia Revolution must also be mentioned."

"So if this biographical novel is published publicly, will the party comrades who read it think that the Central Committee is sending out new signals? The Central Committee needs to reconsider the issue of Comrade Gao Gang. If such wrong signals are sent and wrong information is spread within the party, how will the Central Committee deal with it then?"

"Are the cadres in northern Shaanxi dissatisfied with the Central Committee's handling of Comrade Gao Gang and want to use this method to appeal for his innocence?"

As soon as Wei Hongjun said this, Xi Zhongxun's face changed.

Xi Zhongxun had previously considered the complexity of the revolutionary history in northern Shaanxi, making it difficult to reach a consensus. He also considered that the publication of this novel would cause internal disputes among cadres in northern Shaanxi. He hadn't considered the Gao Gang issue.

But Wei Hongjun is right.

When it comes to the revolutionary history of northern Shaanxi, you can’t avoid Gao Gang.

Gao Gang participated not only in the formation and leadership of the Shaanxi-Gansu Red Army, but also in the establishment and development of the Shaanxi-Gansu-Ningxia base area. While Gao Gang cannot be considered a leading cadre of the Shaanxi-Gansu-Ningxia base area, he was certainly a prominent figure. In particular, Gao Gang was second only to Liu Zhidan in the history of the Red 26th Army.

When talking about Liu Zhidan, we must talk about Gao Gang.

Moreover, Gao Gang did make great contributions to the revolutionary history of northern Shaanxi.

And there is Zhang Xiushan.

This was also a heavyweight cadre in the Shaanxi-Gansu-Ningxia Revolution.

They've all been punished. Regardless of whether the central government's punishment is correct, it's the right approach for now. But if you praise Gao Gang and Zhang Xiushan in a biography of Liu Zhidan, what do you expect readers to think?

What does the central government think?

Are you going to challenge the central government?

Speak up for Gao Gang?

Xi Zhongxun immediately said, "Comrades Liu Jingfan and Li Jiantong absolutely had no intention of questioning the Central Committee's decision. They only thought of writing a biography of Comrade Liu Zhidan after receiving an invitation from the Workers' Publishing House."

"Comrade Xi Zhongxun, sometimes things don't go your way. It depends on the consequences and how everyone sees it."

Humans are social animals.

When doing many things, we have to consider the social response.

It may be the right thing, or a good thing, but if the consequences are bad and people have a negative view of it, then no matter what your original intention was, it is actually wrong.

Seeing Xi Zhongxun pondering, Wei Hongjun didn't hide his opinion and continued, "Comrade Xi Zhongxun, you also need to consider another aspect. Once the biography of Liu Zhidan is published, will anyone accuse you of using it to 'praise' yourself?"

"this…………"

Xi Zhongxun originally wanted to refute Wei Hongjun.

But I stopped there, suddenly unsure how to refute it. Liu Zhidan was indeed a leading figure in the Shaanxi-Gansu revolution, but he died long ago, twenty years later. No matter how powerful you were in the past, no matter how much you were a leader, that was only a thing of the past. Twenty years later, among the Shaanxi-Gansu cadres who have made the most progress, Gao Gang, Xi Zhongxun, and Zhang Xiushan are the ones who have made the most progress.

But now Gao Gang and Zhang Xiushan have both been punished, especially Gao Gang, who, although still a member of the Central Committee, is about to leave the Central Committee.

Therefore, the only important cadre left who could represent the revolution in northern Shaanxi was Xi Zhongxun. While many other cadres in northern Shaanxi were high-ranking, with many at administrative levels five or six, they were still far inferior to Xi Zhongxun, an alternate member of the Politburo.

If Liu Zhidan's biographical novel overstated the importance of the Shaanxi-Gansu Revolution to the Chinese Revolution, then Xi Zhongxun, one of the most important representatives of the Shaanxi-Gansu Revolution, could easily be seen as self-aggrandizing, "singing praises" to himself, and accumulating political prestige. This is especially true given that Xi Zhongxun is currently the Minister of Propaganda, in charge of these matters.

Thinking of this, Xi Zhongxun felt cold sweat on his back.

He really didn't think that much.

Wei Hongjun did not continue talking to Xi Zhongxun, but instead said to Deng Xixian: "Comrade Deng Xixian, I feel that at this stage, it is not a suitable opportunity for our publishing house to publish some revolutionary historical novels."

The main components of the Chinese revolution are the Central Red Army, the Fourth Front Army, the Second Front Army, and the Shaanxi-Gansu-Ningxia Red Army.

Among them, Jinggangshan and the Central Soviet Area are the birthplaces of the Central Red Army. If we talk about Jinggangshan, we can also trace back to the Nanchang Uprising, the Autumn Harvest Uprising, the Southern Hunan Uprising, the Pingjiang Uprising, the Baise Uprising, the Ningdu Uprising, and so on.

The Hubei-Henan-Anhui and Sichuan-Shaanxi revolutionary bases were the Fourth Front Army. The Second Red Army, mainly the Second and Sixth Corps, was the Hunan-Hubei-West base.

The history of the revolutionary movement in northern Shaanxi was so complex, let alone the other fronts. The Central Red Army lost the Central Soviet Area, and by the end of the Long March, fewer than 10,000 men had reached northern Shaanxi. Such a devastating defeat, if we examine the reasons behind it, becomes a much more serious issue. Let's not even talk about the Central Soviet Area, but the Jinggang Mountains alone saw countless battles.

The issues at Jinggangshan implicate the Southern Hunan Special Committee, the Hunan Provincial Committee, and the Central Committee, which issued several orders to the Red Fourth Army. Of course, a larger issue concerns the affairs of Wang Zuo and Yuan Wencai. How do you explain this?

As for the Fourth and Second Front Armies, the anti-counterrevolutionary campaign resulted in the killing of countless people.

Moreover, many cadres involved in the anti-counterrevolutionary movement are still alive.

General Wang Shusheng's campaigns in the Fourth Front Army during the purges against counter-revolutionaries were not the first or second instance, including the execution of Central Red Army cadres during the Western Route Army period. It wasn't just General Wang Shusheng alone. When the Fifth and Ninth Corps followed the Fourth Front Army southward, they also executed more than one or two cadres from those two corps who refused to follow Zhang Guotao. Some Fourth Front Army cadres dared to point guns at the Chairman, the Commander-in-Chief, and others, let alone the cadres of the Fifth and Ninth Corps.

The history of the Second Front Army is also very complicated.

The cadres of the Second and Sixth Corps disagreed, and during the battle, the Sixth Corps secretly retreated, making General He furious. After the Long March, "Three Kings rebelled against He," and Xiao Zijing left the 120th Division. If this were written down, no one would be satisfied.

By then, everyone will write novels to exonerate themselves and accuse their opponents.

This is not impossible.

The Central Committee has done a lot to avoid these historical issues. Otherwise, many cadres would have lost their minds due to historical reasons. Originally, it wouldn't have been a big deal, but some people's novels are sure to reignite controversy over revolutionary history.

"We should be cautious."

Deng Xixian nodded.

During his time in the Central Soviet Area, Deng Xixian was a Maoist leader and was also attacked. Later, when Deng Xixian served as the political commissar of the 129th Division, he also had many dirty deeds. So he understood that such things should not be discussed in too much detail.

History and historical figures should be presented in a broad sense rather than in detail.

But fiction, as a form of creation, can easily portray certain events with exquisite vividness. Even small events can be written in a completely different way in a novel.

"Comrade Xi Zhongxun, what are your thoughts?"

"I also think that novels with this kind of subject matter should be published with caution. Public publication of novels with this kind of subject matter could easily undermine unity within the party."

After all, Xi Zhongxun has experienced many ups and downs.

I quickly calmed down.

Regardless, Xi Zhongxun no longer dared to touch the biography of Comrade Liu Zhidan. He was now considering the publication of revolutionary historical novels. The cadres in northern Shaanxi wanted to publish a biography of Comrade Liu Zhidan, but what about the cadres in other areas?

Would they also like to write a revolutionary history of their own?

There is a lot to write about on every hill.

But the point remains. Any novel is solely the author's personal opinion, no matter how much research the author has done or how objective they attempt to be. But as long as it's written by a human, even if the author doesn't intend it, their own personal thoughts will inevitably be incorporated. To put it bluntly, the author's bias is bound to show up in the novel.

It's like an author who doesn't like someone. No matter how careful or objective he is, his dislike for this person will be revealed between the lines.

"Correct."

Wei Hongjun said, "What I mean is that we should discuss this matter specifically at the Secretariat meeting in a couple of days and formulate regulations for the publication of novels on revolutionary history. The publication of novels involving revolutionary historical issues should be handled with caution, or even banned. This type of novel should be avoided for at least the next 20 to 30 years. When our generation is old and can no longer interfere with national policies, restrictions in this area will naturally be relaxed."

"I agree. If a novel of this kind were published now, it would be subject to many other influences and might even appear untrue. When future generations write novels, with less interference, they might even appear more authentic."

Deng Xixian strongly supported Wei Hongjun's idea.

What's the point of arguing over revolutionary historical issues? It only widens the gap between comrades and undermines inner-Party unity. Instead of wasting time on this, we'd be better off focusing on our work.

Xi Zhongxun also nodded.

"Let me put this aside for now. Comrade Xi Zhongxun, Comrade Deng Xixian and I are here today primarily to discuss with you the main tasks of the Propaganda Department."

The problems of revolutionary historical novels were only discovered temporarily.

Wei Hongjun and Deng Xixian were mainly concerned with the next round of publicity and how to reduce the impact of the "secret report".

"I've been discussing the next propaganda plan with the comrades in the Propaganda Department recently. You can take a look."

987 The attitude of the Central Committee of the CPSU

On March 1956, 3, the third day after the Fifth Session of the Eighth Central Committee, Wei Hongjun, as the First Secretary of the Secretariat, convened the first Secretariat meeting.

The first purpose of this meeting was to get everyone acquainted. After all, after the reorganization of the Secretariat, more than half of the staff had been replaced. Many people were working in the Secretariat for the first time.

Although everyone knew each other, and although some people had known each other before and had even participated in the revolution together, the situation in the Secretariat was different.

It's worth getting familiar with it first.

So after the meeting, Wei Hongjun re-clarified the division of labor between the Secretariat Secretary and the Alternate Secretary, adjusting the Secretariat's original working model. Then everyone briefly reported on their work.

The process is quick.

Then we got to the point.

There are only two formal agenda items for this Secretariat meeting.

One is to formulate the election method for the Ninth National Congress representatives.

As Minister of Organization, Chen Tanqiu submitted the "Draft Regulations on the Quota of Delegates and Election Methods for the Ninth National Congress of the Party." The Central Committee already had experience with two large-scale national congresses, the Seventh and Eighth, so this draft could draw heavily on those lessons.

However, compared to the Seventh and Eighth Congresses, the Ninth Congress underwent significant changes. The Seventh Congress was held at the end of the War of Resistance Against Japanese Aggression, when the military held considerable influence. Consequently, many representatives from the various military bases were military. Furthermore, representatives at that time were selected based on the base areas themselves.

By the time of the Eighth National Congress, although the People's Republic of China had been established for several years, the military was still very powerful, and local central bureaus also existed. Therefore, the elections at that time mainly relied on local central bureaus and local military regions.

The situation is completely different now.

National development has become the top priority, and there are no longer any local central bureaus. Therefore, this time, the election of representatives will be based on provinces. The number of seats for national party representatives will also tend to favor local areas rather than the military.

The draft drafted by the Organization Department is very detailed.

The Secretariat spent a long time discussing this draft. Because it was directly related to the smooth convening of the Ninth National Congress, it was reviewed word for word. Finally, it was approved.

After Wei Hongjun and Deng Xixian signed, the draft would be handed over to Comrade Xiuyang, Chen Yun, and Nie Shuai for signature. Although they were not responsible for the specific work, they were still members of the Ninth Congress Preparatory Committee, so their review was required.

In this regard, Wei Hongjun and Deng Xixian were very particular about the rules. Furthermore, Gao Gang, a rule-abiding figure, had just emerged from the Secretariat, causing a stir, so now was a very sensitive time. Wei Hongjun and Deng Xixian did have some political sensitivity.

After Comrade Xiu Yang, Chen Yun, and Marshal Nie sign, it will be submitted to the Politburo for review. Of course, this is just a formality; a proposal signed by the five members of the Preparatory Committee will not be blocked by the Politburo. After the Politburo approves it, Wei Hongjun and Deng Xixian will need to clarify the quotas for candidate delegates to the Ninth National Congress. They must clarify how many representatives each province should have, how many from the military, and how many from central government agencies.

Therefore, Wei Hongjun and Deng Xixian discussed and planned three important meetings in the early stages of preparation for the Ninth National Congress. The first was a national meeting of provincial, municipal, and autonomous regional party committee secretaries on April 1956, 4, to discuss the arrangement of local representatives for the Ninth National Congress.

The number of official and alternate representatives for each province will be determined, and the election procedures will be explained. These local Party secretaries will then go back and elect representatives for their respective provinces.

On April 4, a joint meeting of the Secretariat, the Central Military Commission, and the major military regions was held to discuss the candidates for military representatives to the Ninth National Congress. On April 22, an enlarged meeting of the Secretariat was held to discuss the candidates for central government representatives to the Ninth National Congress.

These were discussed and approved by the Secretariat.

Another one is to discuss issues related to revolutionary historical novels.

The Secretariat approved Comrade Deng Xixian's proposal and established the strictest regulations for the publication of revolutionary historical novels. Without the approval of the Ministry of Culture, the Ministry of Propaganda, and the Secretariat, revolutionary historical novels involving senior Party cadres were prohibited from being written or published.

Including filming of the movie.

Any topics involving senior party leaders must be approved by the Ministry of Culture, the Ministry of Propaganda and the Secretariat.

Originally, Propaganda Minister Xi Zhongxun was the most appropriate person to propose this. However, the issue stemmed from Comrade Liu Zhidan's biographical novel. If Comrade Xi Zhongxun had proposed it, it would have affected the relationship between Comrade Xi Zhongxun and the cadres in northern Shaanxi. Those cadres in northern Shaanxi who wanted to promote Liu Zhidan's novel would have thought that Comrade Xi Zhongxun was deliberately trying to stop them.

Therefore, it could only be proposed by Wei Hongjun and Deng Xixian.