Rebirth: I am in Jin-Cha-Ji

I stayed in China for only three days.

We have done two things: one is to sign various cooperation agreements with China, and the other is to obtain the President's commitment.

The chairman did not break his promise.

Wrote an article "On the Causes and Consequences of the Occurrence of 'Personal Cult'".

In this article, the Chairman clearly criticized the "cult of personality," analyzing the causes of the "cult of personality" and then discussing its consequences. Although the Chairman opposed the complete negation of Comrade Stalin, he still chose to criticize where criticism was warranted.

The Chairman gave a detailed account of the reasons, process, and consequences of the emergence of Comrade Stalin's "cult of personality." However, on the issue of Stalin, the Chairman always emphasized one point: Comrade Stalin's merits outweighed his faults, and he was a great Marxist-Leninist.

Although the Chairman's article was somewhat different from what Khrushchev wanted, Khrushchev still regarded it as a treasure. On April 1956, 4, the Chairman's article was published in Pravda.

What does it mean that one word is worth a thousand words?

This is the role played by the Chairman’s articles.

When the Chairman's article was published in Pravda, it had a significant impact within the CPSU. After Stalin's death, the Chairman was the undisputed authority on Marxist-Leninist theory. Therefore, the Chairman's article quickly stabilized the debate within the CPSU.

After reading the Chairman's article, many local Party committees gradually began to calm down.

The Chairman's theoretical foundation was far superior to Khrushchev's. Khrushchev's "Secret Report" was filled with excessive emotional outbursts. He frequently labeled Comrade Stalin a "butcher" and a "tyrant," a description that was inherently offensive. Furthermore, due to its overly emotional nature, Khrushchev's "Secret Report" failed to objectively analyze Comrade Stalin's merits and demerits, nor did it offer a theoretical analysis of the root causes of "personality cult" and "personal superstition."

Theoretically, the two are completely on different levels.

Even after Americans read the People's Daily's "On the Historical Experience of the Proletarian Dictatorship" and its article "On the Causes and Consequences of the 'Cult of Personality,'" Secretary of State Dulles bluntly stated: Communism is gaining ground in Asia, and Chinese-style communism is a greater threat than Russian-style communism. This is because China controls a larger population and enjoys cultural prestige in Asia. Russia lacks such prestige in either Asia or Europe.

In private, he even said that Li Desheng was more difficult to deal with than Khrushchev.

Khrushchev was finally able to breathe a sigh of relief.

With the Chairman's support, Khrushchev could continue to criticize the issue of "personality cult".

Unfortunately, just as he had quelled the controversy within and outside the CPSU, problems began to emerge within the socialist camp. When European and American countries received the original text of the "Secret Report," they were overjoyed.

They immediately began to spread it to the countries in the socialist camp through various means.

China's vast territory and strict personnel management made it difficult to spread such information. Communist parties in North Korea, Vietnam, and Indonesia, among others, all took a strict approach to guarding against "secret reports." Eastern European countries, however, were different. Their landmasses were small, their populations limited, and due to industrialization, many of these countries' populations were concentrated in cities.

In addition, Eastern European countries are similar to coalition governments, and the government has limited control over the country.

The contents of the "secret report" can be spread easily.

Intellectuals, in particular, had extensive channels and could easily obtain this information. This information then reached students through these intellectuals, and ultimately spread throughout the country. In May and June, Europe and the United States intensified their efforts, using radio and television stations, and dispatching agents into Eastern Europe to disseminate the "secret report" using various methods.

When idols fall, spiritual pillars fall.

This is the situation in Eastern Europe.

Not only did the Soviet Red Army help liberate Eastern Europe and establish new governments, but Eastern European governments essentially continued Stalinism, emulating Comrade Stalin in both politics and economics. Even the anti-counterrevolutionary movement was modeled after Comrade Stalin.

Now that Comrade Stalin has been so belittled and denied by the CPSU itself, what can you expect the Eastern European governments to do? They are now at a loss.

It was under such circumstances that the famous "Poznan Incident" occurred in Poland.

From June 1956 to 6, 28, Polish troops cracked down on workers in Poznan, resulting in 6 deaths (including 30 military and police officers), 74 injuries, and 8 arrests. The Poznan incident occurred during the International Fair, during a visit by then-UN Secretary-General Dag Hammarskjöld. Many foreigners in Poland witnessed the Poznan incident firsthand.

It can be said that after Khrushchev’s “Secret Report”, the socialist camp was really in chaos.

The result of ideological confusion is social unrest.

Just three months after the bloody clashes in Tbilisi, Georgia, the Poznan Incident occurred in Poland, severely damaging the international communist movement.

After reading the "Secret Report" and observing what was currently happening in the socialist camp, many Communist parties began to doubt themselves. Even Comrade Stalin, the leader of the international communist movement, was considered such a "great demon," and they began to doubt the validity of their own Marxism-Leninism. Not to mention the young people who were once attracted to communism and Marxism-Leninism, who also began to distrust Marxism-Leninism.

The Political Committee of the Communist Party of Great Britain demanded that the Central Committee of the CPSU issue a public statement regarding Khrushchev's "Secret Report." Their primary objective was to clarify the CPSU's position on whether the "Secret Report" was Khrushchev's personal opinion or the Central Committee's. However, the Central Committee remained equivocal regarding the "Secret Report," as Khrushchev himself had already learned that it was rather impulsive.

Especially when compared with the Chairman’s articles, the gap is very obvious.

Therefore, Khrushchev and the CPSU Central Committee have now adopted an indifferent attitude towards the "Secret Report." They have begun quietly reassessing Comrade Stalin in Soviet Party newspapers, stating that while Comrade Stalin made mistakes, he did make some contributions to the construction of socialism in the Soviet Union and the development of the international communist movement. Unfortunately, the negative impact has already been established, and this remedial measure has had little effect.

Under such circumstances, how could the Soviet Central Committee, which had not publicly acknowledged the "secret report," issue a public statement? The British Communist Party's Political Committee was extremely dissatisfied with the Soviet Central Committee's playful attitude and directly criticized it in the British Daily Worker.

The Communist Party of the United States was even more direct: "We cannot agree with such a view. The issues discussed, however painful and detestable, are entirely internal affairs of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union. To attribute all mistakes and violations of socialist principles to one person is as wrong as to attribute all the achievements and great successes in the development of socialism in the Soviet Union to one person."

As the socialist camp fell into chaos, China could not remain immune.

990 National Day th Anniversary Promotion

When chaos broke out in the socialist camp, China was also affected, but overall it remained unmoved.

Although the original text of the "Secret Report" entered China, it was not widely disseminated. It was only circulated among some democratic parties and did not cause much disturbance in society.

First, China has been downplaying its propaganda about Comrade Stalin in recent years, including the report on the 20th Congress of the CPSU. This time, coverage of the 20th Congress focused heavily on the CPSU's Sixth Five-Year Plan. Furthermore, Party committees at all levels began studying the article "On the Historical Experience of the Proletarian Dictatorship" early on.

It's just to seize the initiative.

At the same time, the central government began to strictly control the dissemination of "secret reports".

This is why, even when the "Secret Report" had already caused an uproar among proletarian parties in Eastern Europe and the world, the CCP remained very stable. This was also true in society.

After Wei Hongjun took charge of the Secretariat, he issued strict orders to newspapers and media across the country.

Without the approval of the Ministry of Culture, the Ministry of Propaganda, and the Secretariat, no media outlet could write any article about Comrade Stalin, let alone something like Khrushchev's "Secret Report."

Therefore, although the original text of the "Secret Report" was introduced to China, its dissemination was relatively niche and the whole society remained calm.

The central government's biggest concern, however, was that no major problems arose between universities and newspaper reporters. This was because the nation's attention was focused on the Propaganda Department's special report on the eighth anniversary of National Day.

The headline of the "People's Daily" was written in big letters: The Party Central Committee reported its work achievements to the people of the whole country.

If we say that when the People's Republic of China was first established, the central government was quite cautious about the relationship between the Party, the government, and the military. After all, during the Liberation War, the CCP's propaganda consistently criticized the Kuomintang's "Party-State," "Party-Army," and "One-Party Dictatorship." These slogans were also used to unite the centrists.

It is impossible to abandon the united front as soon as the People's Republic of China is founded and establish a "party-state", "party-army" and "one-party dictatorship".

This is why the "separation of party and government" occurred in the early years of the People's Republic of China, with the abolition of the Central Military Commission and the establishment of the Central Revolutionary Military Commission under the State Council. At that time, the central government was unsure of its path forward and still valued the opinions of democratic parties. However, with the stabilization of the domestic situation, the victory in the War to Resist U.S. Aggression and Aid Korea, and the continued progress of national development in the People's Republic of China, the Party Central Committee no longer shyed away from the phrases "Party leadership of the government" and "Party leadership of the military."

The same is true for this special report.

The title was directly written as "The Party Central Committee reports its work achievements to the people of the whole country."

Of course, this was the headline from the People's Daily. Other newspapers reprinting the People's Daily article gave these reports various headlines, including "The Great Achievements of New China," "The Great Eight Years," and "A Brand-New History of China."

The Propaganda Department's report celebrating the eighth anniversary of National Day is part of a series of reports.

We reported on the achievements of the People's Republic of China since its founding, issue by issue. Starting on May 5nd, we published ten consecutive issues over two months. Each issue used data to report on the tremendous achievements.

The first phase is land reform work.

Land reform was the most important task in the early days of New China.

So it's very long.

The first section extensively explains the rural situation from the late Qing Dynasty to the Republican era, a subject on which the CCP possessed the most extensive information. The significance of land reform cannot be overstated, as New China was the first country in thousands of years of history to effectively implement the concept of "land to the tiller."

It can be said that for thousands of years in Chinese history, "those who till the land own the land" has been just a beautiful wish.

But the new China was truly realized.

Following land reform came the suppression of banditry. Like land reform, the suppression of banditry was directly tangible and a major achievement of the new China. For many years, banditry had been a significant problem in China. Even during the most peaceful and prosperous periods of ancient China, banditry could not be eradicated.

Since the Opium War, banditry in China has become increasingly serious.

Even in some provinces where banditry is very serious, there are bandits wherever there is a hill.

The existence of banditry severely impacted the peaceful lives of ordinary people. Later, in films and television series, bandits were portrayed as either loyal or patriotic. Each one was portrayed as more loyal and righteous than the Party members, more determined to resist the Japanese during the War of Resistance than the Eighth Route Army, more resourceful and more effective. This effectively whitewashed the bandits. In reality, few real bandits were truly righteous. Bandits who profited from their work were simply plunderers.

It is already a remarkable thing if 1% of the bandits are the same as those in movies and TV dramas.

During the Eighth Route Army's early years, it incorporated a wide range of armed groups. Among these, the most vulnerable were those of landlords and bandits. Not only were these groups difficult to reorganize, but they were also prone to mutiny at the slightest disadvantage.

The people hate them deeply.

In about three years, the People's Republic of China essentially eliminated the bandit problem throughout the country. Furthermore, the bandit problem in the new China differed significantly from previous ones. A large number of Kuomintang army deserters and stragglers became bandits, and many bandits received training from Kuomintang officers and accepted commissions in Taiwan.

But it could not stop the power of New China or the People's Liberation Army's anti-bandit offensive. In three years, more than 200 million bandits were eliminated across the country.

This is truly an achievement worthy of special mention. When promoting the achievements of the anti-bandit campaign this time, the Propaganda Department also specially selected some anti-bandit deeds from various military regions as publicity materials.

Then there are the tasks of drug control, prostitution control, and literacy campaigns.

When the Propaganda Department publicized these achievements, the staff members themselves were filled with pride as they looked at the data transmitted from various departments. Because everyone's understanding of New China is one-sided, limited to their own understanding. But with so much propaganda material gathered this time, the Propaganda Department, including the staff of the major newspapers, realized how much New China had accomplished without fanfare in just eight years.

They have only heard of many jobs.

Many outsiders don't understand how this is done. But this time, for publicity purposes, the original data was presented. The detailed record of how this work was done immediately shocked those working in the publicity field.

With this detailed data, the staff were able to write propaganda articles with ease, turning them into a piece of propaganda in no time. Furthermore, there was no need for embellishment or flattery; simply reporting New China's achievements truthfully was truly astounding.

Look at the achievements of New China.

Ever since the Opium War, countless people have called for a ban on smoking. Even in the late Qing Dynasty, many advocated for a ban by the imperial court. After the Xinhai Revolution, banning smoking became a slogan, a politically correct move, with revolutionary governments clamoring for a ban. However, far from banning smoking, the drug's prevalence in China actually increased, as many warlords' military expenditures came from opium.

The Yunnan Army during the National Protection War, the early rise of Li Bai's Guangxi Clique, and even the Guangdong Army in the revolutionary base of Guangdong, were all inseparable from the opium trade. A large portion of their military pay depended on the opium trade. As time went on, they even became more complacent, with no regard for banning opium. During the War of Resistance Against Japanese Aggression, many high-ranking Nationalist generals secretly engaged in the opium trade with the Japanese to make money, and many Nationalist generals themselves smoked opium.

Although New China was founded only eight years ago, it has already truly completed the ban on smoking.

First, the "No Smoking Law" was introduced.

Then, a vigorous anti-smoking campaign began across the country. The Communist Party grew up through labor, student, and peasant movements, and the Chairman was a great advocate of people's war. Therefore, the entire anti-smoking campaign was a vigorous people's war.

The whole country, from top to bottom, is participating in the anti-smoking campaign.

From opium cultivation to transportation and sales, everything was shut down. This accomplished the work that all those with insight had been trying to accomplish for over a hundred years since the beginning of the Opium War. Especially during the "Three Antis Movement," countless officials were arrested and punished for drug-related offenses.

The number of opium merchants who were shot was staggering.

And prohibiting prostitution.

Prostitution has existed for thousands of years, and Guan Zhong's policies included the management of prostitution.

For prostitution, rulers throughout history have had their own set of regulations, but never the idea of ​​abolishing it. However, the People's Republic of China vigorously prohibits prostitution, not simply banning it. Instead, it provides all prostitutes with medical care and training. Once they acquire a skill, most are employed as factory workers, allowing them to earn a living.

What is humanity? This is humanity.

Since the beginning of the 21st century, the internet has been buzzing about humanization. To be frank, how can human care compare to the prohibition of prostitution in New China?

There is also literacy work.

After the founding of New China, literacy work became an important task of the government.

The central government even established a special literacy committee to oversee nationwide literacy efforts. Furthermore, the central government integrated literacy efforts with the dissemination of central policies in rural areas, the development of rural cooperatives, the democratic development of open village affairs, and rural primary education.

Since ancient times, have you ever seen the government take the initiative to teach the peasants to read?

No matter how eloquently many cultural leaders speak, or how much they appear to value the preservation of Chinese culture, they inherently look down on the "peasant peasants." While they constantly proclaim that "education can save the nation," they will never participate in literacy campaigns, nor will they consider extending education to impoverished rural areas. Their privileges stem from their knowledge of what the "peasant peasants" lack. How could they possibly abandon their own advantages by engaging in literacy campaigns?

How many intellectuals in the Republic of China period could spend all their wages on rural education like Xu Teli?