Rebirth: I am in Jin-Cha-Ji

The discussion was about the world situation and the international communist movement.

Neither the Chairman nor Khrushchev would be directly involved in the specific cooperation. Finally, the Chairman looked at Yang Quanwu and said, "I will discuss the issue of the atomic bomb model with Comrade Khrushchev personally. You will discuss the missile issues with Comrade Mikoyan."

It's been almost five years since Yang Quanwu took charge of China's nuclear industry. And it's been almost two years since the central government officially launched the atomic bomb project. The project encountered many difficulties, but they were all resolved one by one.

Overall, the research and development work is proceeding in an orderly manner.

Now the Ministry of Nuclear Industry wants to ask the Soviet Union for an atomic bomb model as preparation for China's next step in developing an atomic bomb.

During previous negotiations with the Soviet Union, while the Soviets had agreed to provide China with an atomic bomb model, they had consistently dragged their feet. After Khrushchev proposed the "Three Peaces" theory at the 20th Congress of the CPSU, the central government's need for an atomic bomb became even more urgent. This time, with the opportunity, Chairman Mao was prepared to discuss the matter personally with Khrushchev.

"Now go back and rest and prepare for tomorrow's negotiations. Comrade Khrushchev and Comrade Mikoyan will not stay in China for long, so there are many issues that we need to resolve quickly."

989 The Chaotic Socialist Camp

The next day everyone negotiated separately.

While Chairman Mao was talking to Khrushchev, Chen Yun, Wei Hongjun, Deng Xixian, Li Fuchun, Li Xiannian, Zhou Bin, and Yang Quanwu took turns negotiating with Mikoyan. Mikoyan was shocked when he joined the negotiations.

Because China was so well prepared and had come up with a very detailed cooperation plan.

It’s true.

Among the cooperation projects proposed by China this time, the chemical industry is the most popular. After the founding of the People's Republic of China, China first built four major chemical bases: Jilin, Lanzhou, Taiyuan, and Shijiazhuang.

The chemical plants in these four chemical bases mainly produce fertilizers, pesticides, pharmaceuticals, synthetic rubber, dye plants, and calcium carbide plants.

Many of these are the results of Chairman Mao’s two visits to the Soviet Union in 1948 and 1949.

After Stalin's death in 1953, Khrushchev, seeking to stabilize his position, initiated new, large-scale cooperation with China. Numerous fertilizer and chemical fiber plant projects were launched, some of which were completed and in operation by the end of 1955. The remaining plants would gradually resume full production in 1956 and 1957. This was followed by cooperation with European countries in 1954, bringing in a significant number of fertilizer and chemical fiber plants, as well as synthetic rubber and dye plants.

By now, several provinces across the country have begun to develop chemical bases.

Just like Panjin, Liaoning, Luoyang, Guangzhou, Chengdu and other places have begun to have large-scale chemical bases.

During this negotiation with the Soviet Union, cooperation in the chemical industry was a top priority. The development of the fertilizer industry was paramount, as agricultural development remains crucial for China's stability. However, this time, direct Soviet aid was requested for only two fertilizer plants; the rest were expansion projects.

China requested the Soviet Union to supply process equipment and send a team of experts to help expand existing Chinese fertilizer plants. Since the founding of the People's Republic of China, the Soviet Union has successively assisted in the construction of 13 fertilizer plants in China, most of which have an annual production capacity of 5 tons of synthetic ammonia.

Recently the Soviet Union has made some breakthroughs in fertilizer plant technology.

Therefore, during this negotiation, Wei Hongjun hoped that the Soviet Union would upgrade and renovate several fertilizer plants it had previously helped build, including the one currently under construction, and, if possible, expand them to plants with an annual production capacity of 12.5 tons of synthetic ammonia. This would more than double the output of these fertilizer plants, transforming them from medium-sized to large-scale.

Historically, China and the Soviet Union had plans to expand fertilizer plants during their cooperation during China's Second Five-Year Plan.

The goal was to upgrade a fertilizer plant with an annual production capacity of 5 tons of synthetic ammonia to one with an annual production capacity of 12.5 tons. To support this project, the Soviet Union provided machinery, equipment, and a team of experts.

However, Sino-Soviet relations began to deteriorate in 1959, and the debate officially began in 1960. As a result, Sino-Soviet relations began to break down, and the plan was never fully completed. Only a few fertilizer plants, such as the Lanzhou Fertilizer Plant, were successfully expanded. The expansion was completed in just one year, and the annual production of synthetic ammonia reached tons, making it China's highest-producing fertilizer plant at the time.

Now is the right time.

In 1956, 1957, and 1958, Khrushchev still needed China and the support of the Chairman and China in many areas. Therefore, these three years were still the honeymoon period between China and the Soviet Union.

Whether Khrushchev is willing or not, he will definitely strongly support China's development during this period.

Even in 1959, while relations between the two countries deteriorated somewhat, there was no real split, and cooperation continued. A major event in 1959 was Khrushchev's visit to the United States. Again, without consulting with the socialist countries, he unilaterally pandered to the United States, sending another shockwave through the international communist movement.

That’s why there was the Sino-Soviet debate in 1960.

Therefore, even if we calculate according to the original history, there are still several years of cooperation between China and the Soviet Union. If the original historical trend is changed, then the cooperation between China and the Soviet Union can continue for several more years.

This was enough for China to complete its Second Five-Year Plan.

With Soviet machinery, equipment, and technical assistance, the expansion of many fertilizer plants would have taken less than two years. By 1958, China would have added six to eight large-scale fertilizer plants with annual synthetic ammonia production exceeding 1960 tons. By 150, China's fertilizer production could have reached approximately million tons.

This will not only lead to a sustained increase in China's fertilizer production, but will also greatly enhance the technological strength of my country's fertilizer industry. By the end of the Second Five-Year Plan, China will be able to independently build fertilizer plants.

In addition, with the development of oil fields, China is in dire need of a complete set of equipment and technologies related to the petrochemical industry, from oil production equipment to transportation, storage, and refining.

So China really wants a lot.

From helping China build natural gas and oil pipelines to oil refineries, synthetic fiber plants, and plastics factories, China also sought Soviet support for two expansion projects: the Lanzhou Refinery and the Panjin Refinery, with the goal of expanding them to refineries capable of processing 300 million tons of crude oil annually.

In addition to the expansion project, China also needs the Soviet Union's help to establish an oil processing base in Fushun.

Fushun has long been a key base for China's oil production, producing approximately 70 tons of shale oil annually. It also boasts the highest refining capacity in China. Currently, more than half of China's gasoline and aviation fuel is produced in Fushun.

It has gathered a large number of talents in China's petrochemical industry.

This is also related to Fushun’s history.

Fushun is not only rich in coal, but also served as a site for Japanese production of artificial oil and gasoline refinery during the Second Sino-Japanese War. The Eighth Route Army completely took over Fushun, and while some damage was sustained during the Liberation War, it was minimal. Therefore, Fushun recovered very quickly after the liberation of Northeast China. Following the liberation of Fushun, Fushun Oil Refineries No. 1, No. 2, and No. 3 were established, all remaining refineries left behind by the Japanese.

Therefore, what has been trained here is technical workers for the oil refining industry.

With the Songliao Oilfield (Daqing Oilfield) now within reach of large-scale development, Wei Hongjun, after consulting with the Ministry of Petroleum, proposed to the Central Committee the establishment of China's largest oil processing base in Fushun, which was approved by the Central Committee.

Therefore, during this negotiation with the Soviet Union, China hoped that the Soviet Union would help build a transportation pipeline from the Songliao Oilfield to Fushun, as well as establish an oil refinery and oil processing industry in Fushun.

In addition to the chemical industry, there is the mechanical processing industry.

Help China build more complete instrument factories and meter factories that are needed by many industrial sectors, as well as help build large cable factories, bearing factories, machine tool factories, etc. These factories currently exist in China, but the layout is not yet complete.

The purpose of this cooperation with the Soviet Union is to more completely plan the national industry and fill some industrial deficiencies.

At the same time, the Soviet Union was asked to transfer to China the technical designs and construction drawings for 1-ton and 2.5-ton cargo and oil tankers. China would be even more welcome if the Soviet Union could send experts to guide China in the construction of -ton cargo and oil tankers.

In terms of technology transfer, there are construction drawings and instructions for large thermal power plants and hydropower plants, technical calculation books, process drawings and design and manufacturing drawings for various metallurgical industries and machinery manufacturing industries, as well as preliminary design and construction drawings of workshops in some large factories, etc.

Covers all aspects.

China already has its own factories, but they were all Soviet-aided projects, using Soviet machinery and equipment, along with hands-on instruction from Soviet experts. That's why China wants this technology transfer. It wants to see how the Soviets built these factories and manufactured these machines and equipment, and then domestically produce them.

Of course this is about industrial construction.

Then there is Yang Quanwu.

Yang Quanwu was not only the Minister of the Ministry of Nuclear Industry, but also the Director of the Science and Technology Committee of the Central Military Commission, in charge of the nuclear and aviation industries. Of the "two bombs and one satellite," the "one satellite" is still a concept, while the "two bombs" refer to the atomic bomb and the missile.

The development of the atomic bomb is currently progressing smoothly.

However, missile development has been plagued by setbacks. China has begun copying Soviet missiles and has successfully developed them. However, this is merely copying a single missile, not mass-producing one. Many technical challenges remain to be overcome. Therefore, Yang Quanwu valued this opportunity, hoping to seize it to reach missile cooperation with the Soviet Union and accelerate China's missile development efforts.

This included purchasing a batch of Soviet missiles, introducing missile technology from the Soviet Union, and improving China's missile supporting factories.

Finally, it was Zhou Bin.

Zhou Bin and Mikoyan discussed the Soviet machinery, equipment, and technical personnel involved in these cooperative projects, as well as funding for technology transfer. Zhou Bin hoped that this cooperation could emulate the cooperation that Chairman Mao had discussed with Comrade Stalin in 1948 and 1949, and the cooperation he had completed with Khrushchev in 1953.

That is, the Soviet Union first loaned this money to China.

China will then repay the loan in installments.

This investment involves 17 billion rubles. While this may seem like a lot, it's actually less than 17 million yuan when converted into RMB. And even then, China still suffers a loss. At the current exchange rate, 4 rubles can be exchanged for approximately 100 yuan. This ratio clearly indicates an overvaluation of the ruble, putting the RMB at a disadvantage.

This is the adjusted exchange rate, but the ruble is still too high.

按照物价重新计算汇率，100卢布大约应该在16人民币到17人民币之间。17亿卢布，真实的价格其实也就3亿人民币上下。

But who made the Soviet Union the big brother?

In this respect, it still has advantages. However, within the socialist camp, there are now fierce disputes over the exchange rates of various currencies. Over the years, the socialist camp has been adjusting exchange rates, but it still cannot satisfy everyone.

Zhou Bin suggested that repayments begin three years after the contract is signed, with installments spread over ten years. As for the interest rate, it was traditionally quite low within the socialist camp. It was considered a low-interest loan.

Regarding the repayment of the loan, Mikoyan still had great trust in China. Since the trade volume between China and the Soviet Union had been expanding over the past few years, Mikoyan was well aware of China's ability to repay the loan.

Mikoyan was in a daze the whole day.

It was because the Chinese were so well prepared. They negotiated with him system by system, leaving him no time to rest. The demands were indeed many, but they didn't completely touch the bottom line.

Michael did some calculations.

Before coming to China, Khrushchev and Mikoyan had discussed this. At the time, they concluded that China's industrial development was relatively rapid, so it was undoubtedly facing a severe shortage of electricity and energy.

So this time, they came to express their intention to help China build more than a dozen thermal power plants, more than a dozen coal mines, help build an oil base, as well as steel mills, non-ferrous metal factories, etc. If some military factories were needed, Khrushchev would not refuse. In the eyes of Khrushchev and Mikoyan, China should be satisfied with such conditions.

To put it bluntly, although Khrushchev and Mikoyan lowered their stance after their visit to China, they still held China in contempt, maintaining a condescending attitude. Furthermore, time was of the essence, and they were not actually prepared for actual negotiations. They simply hoped to gain the support of the Chairman and China by offering some industrial aid.

However, upon arriving in China, things turned out completely differently. China was thoroughly prepared for this negotiation, and the process was entirely guided by its own thinking. According to the main negotiators, Wei Hongjun, Deng Xixian, and Li Fuchun, China had already drafted a "Second Five-Year Plan," which was perfectly suited for this negotiation.

After an overall calculation, Mikoyan found that what China wanted did not exceed the projects that Khrushchev had originally intended to give to China. Moreover, what China wanted was not anything sensitive or unacceptable.

Mikoyan was able to make the final decision on most of the cooperation projects. The only issues that Mikoyan could not make the final decision on were loans and missiles.

After all, it involved a loan of nearly 20 billion rubles. Although this was just a figure on paper, it still had to be allocated to the factories. Furthermore, the missile issue involved the military, so Mikoyan had to be cautious. So, he used his break time to discuss it with Khrushchev.

As a result, Khrushchev agreed to all this with a wave of his hand.

Khrushchev didn't care about any of this.

Because Khrushchev was busy.

In his current situation, he couldn't leave Moscow for too long. Who knew what changes would happen in Moscow if he were away for too long? He might be arrested the moment he returned. Therefore, he needed to act quickly in China and complete his plan to win over the Chairman. As for the other issues, they were all minor conflicts.

He had no interest in the "Three Peaces" theory that the Chairman wanted to hear; he only wanted the Chairman's support for the "Secret Report." However, the Chairman clearly stated that he did not agree with the conclusion of the CPSU Central Committee that completely negated Comrade Stalin.

The Chairman pointed out directly that the current events inside and outside the Soviet Party were caused by the total negation of Comrade Stalin. We must make an objective assessment of Comrade Stalin.

The two people could not reach an agreement on this issue.

The Chairman is not in a hurry.

But Khrushchev was anxious.

Therefore, despite the large number of cooperation requests from China, Khrushchev was unconcerned. He even indicated that he could provide more support if China needed it. He even agreed to the atomic bomb model that the Chairman and Khrushchev discussed.

Moreover, Khrushchev stated that the atomic bomb model would be sent to China before January 1957, 1.

Now Khrushchev needed a word of affirmation from the Chairman.

During the conversation, the Chairman also exchanged views with Chinese officials. That evening, the Chairman met with Khrushchev again. This time, the number of attendees was much smaller: the Chairman, Comrade Xiuyang, the Premier, Wei Hongjun, Deng Xixian, and General Chen.

This time the Chairman gave Khrushchev a clear attitude.

That is, the Chairman agreed with Comrade Khrushchev and the Central Committee of the CPSU's criticism of the "cult of personality," believing that the "cult of personality" would suppress inner-party democracy and undermine the socialist democratic system. The proletarian party must get rid of the problem of the "cult of personality" in order to develop healthily.

The Chairman was also willing to write articles criticizing the issue of "personality cult".

However, the Chairman remained unyielding regarding the evaluation of Comrade Stalin. He advised Comrade Khrushchev to exercise extreme caution regarding the issue of Comrade Stalin and that the Central Committee of the CPSU should reconsider its evaluation of Comrade Stalin. While the Chairman disagreed with the wholesale denial of Comrade Stalin, Khrushchev was quite pleased with the Chairman's willingness to write an article supporting the criticism of the "cult of personality."

As soon as the Chairman sent this article over, Khrushchev would report it extensively in the Soviet Communist Party newspaper.

This is also the purpose of his coming to China.

At the same time, he had already felt that he had been somewhat impulsive in completely negating Comrade Stalin. Khrushchev was particularly upset after reading the article "On the Historical Experience of the Proletarian Dictatorship" published by the Central Committee of the Communist Party of China.

On April 1956, 4, Khrushchev and Mikoyan left Beijing.