Rebirth: I am in Jin-Cha-Ji

This was a secret visit.

China's welcome to Khrushchev was also very low-key.

There was no welcoming ceremony at the airport; only the Premier and Soviet Ambassador to China Eugene went to greet Khrushchev and Mikoyan. After Khrushchev and his entourage rested briefly, Chairman Mao met with Khrushchev, Mikoyan, and Eugene in the Yinian Hall. Accompanying the Chairman were Comrade Xiuyang, the Premier, Chen Yun, Wei Hongjun, Deng Xixian, Chen Shuai, Li Xiannian, Li Fuchun, Zhou Bin, and Yang Quanwu.

Although there was no welcoming ceremony, China still attached great importance to it.

After all, Khrushchev was still the leader of the Soviet Union.

Khrushchev's visit to China this time was not as high-profile or enthusiastic as his first. The same was true for Mikoyan. In his previous visits to China, Mikoyan's attitude was always rather arrogant.

Both Mikoyan and Ambassador Eugene of Moscow share a flaw: a penchant for being condescending. When addressing Chinese Communist Party leaders, their tone is always condescending. They also tend to act patronizingly when addressing members of the Politburo Standing Committee, even when they're not talking to the Chairman. Even the good-tempered Prime Minister has a problem with Ambassador Eugene of Moscow.

The Chairman even criticized Mikoyan and Eugene in private for always treating the CCP with an attitude of "the boss's party".

Mikoyan and Yugin were criticized by CCP leaders mainly because they had frequent contact with CCP leaders. In fact, cadres sent by the Soviet Communist Party to other countries generally had this problem.

Just like during the Korean War, a Soviet ambassador to North Korea dared to directly demand the replacement of Wei Hongjun, the commander-in-chief of the Chinese People's Volunteer Army. This was against China, a powerful country within the socialist camp. These people became even more arrogant when they arrived in North Korea and Eastern Europe, acting in a condescending manner towards the leaders of these countries.

But this time is different.

Mikoyan also kept a very humble attitude, greeting the leaders of the Chinese Communist Party one by one and showing a very "humble" attitude.

Because Khrushchev and Mikoyan's secret visit to China was not to show off, but to seek help. Since Pravda openly criticized Comrade Stalin on March 3, Khrushchev had already made up his mind to openly break with Stalin's line and promote his own policies.

But this is much more difficult than imagined.

Some grassroots party organizations and members of the CPSU who had not yet reacted or were still waiting to see what would happen immediately realized that the previously widely circulated "secret report" was true after the article was published in Pravda.

Some people opposed Khrushchev's view, believing that such a blanket denial of Comrade Stalin was wrong. Some local Party committees also believed that while criticizing Comrade Stalin and denying him were fine, they couldn't do so openly, making it known to everyone.

As a result, telegrams of protest to the Central Committee of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union arrived on Khrushchev's desk like snowflakes.

Even the Soviet CPSU representatives who had previously attended the secret meeting, including many members of the CPSU Central Committee, had come to their senses by this time. They began to express their disapproval of Khrushchev, believing that his "secret report" was flawed. Not only were the viewpoints flawed, but so was Khrushchev's approach to handling the situation.

What was even more serious was that Malenkov, Molotov, Bulganin and others in the Presidium of the Central Committee of the CPSU began to incite some CPSU members to demand that the Central Committee of the CPSU review its evaluation of Comrade Stalin and hold Khrushchev accountable for what was happening.

Pressure from both inside and outside the party is overwhelming.

Of course, having taken this step, Khrushchev would not easily give in. So he continued to publish articles in Pravda in the name of the CPSU Central Committee.

In an effort to quell the current debate within the Soviet Union and the Communist Party of the Soviet Union, Khrushchev stated that the policies of the CPSU since its founding had been, and still are, those of Lenin. In his article, Khrushchev highly praised Lenin and stated that the CPSU would continue to uphold Lenin's banner and carry on Lenin's policies.

On April 1956, 4, Khrushchev again published an editorial in Pravda, again in the name of the CPSU Central Committee, titled "The Party's past and present victories are due to its loyalty to Leninism." The editorial declared that criticism of the cult of personality would never be used to cast doubt on the Party's history, line, and achievements. Lenin's line and Lenin's policies were the line of the CPSU.

At this time, Khrushchev also reacted.

The spread of the "Secret Report" and the Soviet Central Committee's public criticism of Comrade Stalin in Pravda did not lead to his desired response, with people inside and outside the Party following suit in their criticism of Comrade Stalin. On the contrary, the greatest aftereffect of the criticism of Stalin was not the divisions and struggles within and outside the Party, but a direct impact on the very existence of the CPSU.

Many people directly questioned the history, path and achievements of the CPSU.

Since Stalin was wrong, then isn't the history of the CPSU under Stalin's leadership all wrong?

This made Khrushchev very nervous.

That's why he urgently pushed out Comrade Lenin and began to deify and deify him as absolutely correct. While criticizing the "cult of personality," he simultaneously established a new "cult of personality." He repeatedly stated that the CPSU's history and line achieved brilliant success under the leadership of Comrade Lenin and the continuation of his line. Therefore, the CPSU Central Committee's criticism of Comrade Stalin did not contradict the correctness of the CPSU's line; the CPSU's history was flawless.

Unfortunately, it did not quell the controversy within the CPSU.

No matter how much they deify Comrade Lenin, the fact remains that he died thirty years ago. On the one hand, they claim that Comrade Stalin was not Lenin's successor, much less his close comrade-in-arms, and that Lenin's dying will disapproved of Comrade Stalin taking over the leadership of the Central Committee of the CPSU. This completely denies Comrade Stalin. Yet, on the other hand, they claim that the 30 years of the CPSU under Comrade Stalin's leadership upheld Lenin's banner and followed Lenin's path.

This is a completely contradictory statement and can be said to be self-deception.

It can't stop the questioning within the party at all.

Therefore, Khrushchev urgently needed someone to help him with theory and propaganda to stabilize his current passive position in the public opinion field. After all, the only person who could help Khrushchev was the Chairman. Since the death of Comrade Stalin, the Chairman has become the flagship figure of the international communist movement.

This has nothing to do with the national strength of the Soviet Union and China.

Therefore, the current situation in the international communist movement is rather delicate. In terms of national strength, the Soviet Union is far superior to China and should therefore lead the international communist movement. However, in terms of influence and prestige within the international communist movement, Chairman Mao is far superior to Khrushchev. In the eyes of many proletarian parties, Chairman Mao was already one of the leaders of the international communist movement when Comrade Stalin was still alive. He is simply not comparable to Khrushchev today.

Throughout 1953 and 1954, Chairman Mao repeatedly touted Comrade Khrushchev as the new leader of the international communist movement. However, while this kind of "awkward touting" helped stabilize Comrade Khrushchev's position in the international communist movement, its actual influence and prestige were limited.

At this stage, Khrushchev needed help not from China but from the Chairman. He needed the Chairman to write articles theoretically supporting Khrushchev's current approach. Given the Chairman's current position in the international communist movement, if only the Chairman voiced support for Khrushchev and acknowledged the legitimacy of Khrushchev's "secret report," many problems would be easily resolved.

That's why Khrushchev came to China in such a hurry.

"Comrade Li Desheng, from now on, the International Congress of Proletarian Parties can be held one year in Moscow and one year in Beijing. We can take turns hosting it."

Khrushchev needed the Chairman's support, so he showed his sincerity as soon as they met.

It would be better to give China a big cake first and then make demands. Khrushchev's sincerity was to share the leadership of the international communist movement with China, so that they could all become leaders in the future.

This will not only greatly enhance China's status, but also make the Chairman's position in the international communist movement clearer.

However, the Chairman smiled slightly and shook his head, saying, "Comrade Khrushchev, politically, the Soviet Union was the world's first socialist country and the center of the international communist movement in the 20th century. Since its establishment, the Soviet Union has consistently supported revolutions in other countries, including our own Chinese revolution, which also received support from the Soviet Union. This is known to the whole world."

"Militarily, the Soviet Union was the main force within the socialist camp to counter U.S. imperialism and the most important force for world peace. Economically, the Soviet Union was an industrialized powerhouse, an example for all socialist countries to emulate. Therefore, in terms of national strength, experience in nation-building, and revolutionary credentials, the Soviet Union was the undisputed Big Brother of the socialist camp."

"This is the undeniable history of the world communist revolution. Therefore, within the international communist movement, the Soviet Union is the big tree, and we are the small tree. We still need to learn from the big tree's experience and support in many aspects. How can we be qualified to lead the international communist movement together with the Soviet Union?"

The Chairman will not be fooled by China.

Did the Chairman have any desire to lead the international communist movement? Absolutely. It's true that the Chairman harbored some contempt for Khrushchev. He didn't consider Khrushchev superior to him in Marxist-Leninist theory simply because he was the leader of the CPSU.

While the Chairman harbored such concerns, he never considered competing with Khrushchev for leadership of the international communist movement, which would have led to a split in the socialist camp. As long as there were no fundamental disagreements, the Chairman's primary concern remained the stability of the socialist camp. This was the greater good.

Because the world is now divided into two camps.

They wanted to kill each other.

Under such circumstances, if the socialist camp split, it would not be a good thing for all socialist countries. Chairman Mao himself did not really agree with Tito's choice.

If the socialist camp had followed Yugoslavia's lead, it would sooner or later be targeted by British, American, and French imperialism. Although socialist countries gained considerable influence after World War II, they were still inferior to the imperialist camp in terms of strength. This was because the major countries in the imperialist camp were all world industrial powers before World War II. Their inherent foundations and strength were greater than those of most socialist countries.

Therefore, if the socialist camp is not united, then none of these socialist countries will be able to withstand the attack of imperialism. Therefore, at this stage, the socialist camp still needs to unite around the Soviet Union to fight against the European and American imperialist camp.

Compared with the stability of the socialist camp, nothing else is so important.

So the Chairman politely declined Khrushchev's offer.

"Comrade Li Desheng, you are truly too modest. The founding of New China was a remarkable event in the history of the international communist movement, and it propelled the development of the communist movement throughout East Asia. Furthermore, China's defeat of the imperialist coalition forces led by US imperialism on the Korean Peninsula greatly enhanced the prestige of socialist countries. China, and Comrade Li Desheng, now possess sufficient influence to lead the international communist movement alongside the Soviet Union."

Khrushchev again advised the Chairman.

Khrushchev wanted to show his utmost sincerity in order to win over the Chairman. But the Chairman shook his head again and said, "The founding of New China can never compare to the October Revolution's influence on the world. Furthermore, China cannot match the Soviet Union's support for the international communist movement. Furthermore, the Soviet Union is a large and powerful country, rivaling the superpower of American imperialism in all political, economic, and military aspects. Only a superpower like the Soviet Union can lead the countries of the socialist camp in the fight against the imperialist camp headed by American imperialism. In this regard, no country can replace the powerful Soviet Union, and the same is true for us, China."

Two tigers cannot fit in one mountain.

Today's international communist movement cannot support two leaders.

If the Chairman had truly accepted this offer, the ultimate result would not be a joint Sino-Soviet leadership of the international communist movement, but rather an accelerated rift between the two countries and the fragmentation of the socialist camp. Khrushchev's current demand for China to jointly lead the international communist movement was a desperate attempt to win over China. Once the situation stabilized, the Soviet Union would likely be unwilling to accept this.

So the Chairman will definitely not agree.

Since Khrushchev had come to China for help, he must have shown his sincerity. If the Chairman of the International Communist Movement did not accept the leadership, then he would have to show his sincerity in other ways. Wei Hongjun spoke from below: "Comrade Khrushchev, the International Communist Movement has been led by the Soviet Union for decades, and it has achieved remarkable results. Our party is convinced of the achievements of the Soviet Communist Party in leading the International Communist Movement. Our country is still a poor agricultural country and is currently in a stage where we need more help from the Soviet Union to become an industrial country. After China's national construction enters a new stage, we will be able to make greater contributions to the socialist camp and the international communist movement. In all aspects, our country does not have the strength of the Soviet Union to lead and promote the international communist movement."

Seeing that both Chairman Mao and Wei Hongjun supported the Soviet Union to continue to be the center of the international communist movement, Khrushchev breathed a sigh of relief.

Khrushchev did not want to give up the leadership of the international communist movement.

But the situation was dire, so he needed the Chairman to step in, hence his concession. But he was still hesitant. Even before China took the lead in the international communist movement, the Chairman's prestige within the socialist camp was already at its peak. If China and the Soviet Union jointly led the international communist movement, who would be able to suppress the Chairman? Perhaps everyone would consider the Chairman the true leader of the international communist movement. If that happened, what would the Soviet Union and Khrushchev do?

Now that the Chairman and Wei Hongjun have expressed the rejection on behalf of the CPC, things will be much easier.

As for Wei Hongjun's subsequent statement that China still needed Soviet assistance, Khrushchev didn't care. He had already considered this point. Khrushchev's thinking was simple: to gain the Chairman's support, he should offer China some sweet treats; this was normal. So Khrushchev nodded to Mikoyan, who immediately said, "We know that the Chinese comrades are about to enter the Second Five-Year Plan construction phase. To support China's national construction, we are willing to support the Chinese comrades with some new industrial projects."

Khrushchev and Mikoyan's secret visit to China was actually quite hasty.

So this support plan was also very hasty.

Unlike the early support provided to the People's Republic of China, Soviet experts even visited China in person to inspect its industry and develop an industrial plan for China. Based on this industrial plan, they then developed project plans to support China.

"You can discuss these specific matters with Comrade Chen Yun, Comrade Wei Hongjun, Comrade Deng Xixian and others. You haven't had much rest on the way. Rest first after dinner today. Tomorrow we will discuss some matters related to the 20th Congress of the CPSU."

"it is good."

Although Khrushchev was anxious, he nodded.

But when both Chairman Mao and Wei Hongjun stated that the international communist movement still needed Soviet leadership, he had already figured it out. He thought he would get China's support during his visit to China.

After seeing off Khrushchev and his entourage, the Chairman said, "The CPSU's blanket denial of Comrade Stalin is not objective and will have many adverse effects. However, their criticism of Comrade Stalin's 'personality cult' is beneficial. It demonstrates that we communist revolutionaries dare to engage in self-criticism. It also shatters the sacred aura surrounding Comrade Stalin and dispels the superstitious belief in Comrade Stalin and the Soviet Union."

"Many people within our Party have a deep-seated faith in Comrade Stalin and the Soviet Union. This applies not only to grassroots Party members but also to many senior Party cadres. If we don't break this faith, many people will remain trapped in 'dogmatism' and unable to break free. They still need some wake-up calls."

It doesn’t mean that just because you join the party physically, you also join the party in your heart.

To truly join the Party, you must be able to master the ideas and theories of Marxism-Leninism and apply them in practical work. However, this is the most difficult part. Even many central leaders are prone to falling into "dogmatism," let alone many local Party organizations.

After the founding of New China, Soviet experience was introduced extensively in politics, economy and military.

Therefore, it is most likely to appear "dogmatism" that is superstitious about the Soviet Union.

"Yes, we should learn from the Soviet Union, but we cannot learn from it mechanically."

Comrade Xiuyang echoed the Chairman's views.

We cannot indiscriminately apply everything that happened in the Soviet Union to China. After discussing the issue of "dogmatism," the Chairman began to ask Chen Yun, Wei Hongjun, Deng Xixian, Li Fuchun, Li Xiannian, and Zhou Bin about how to accept Soviet aid.

The chairman will not take care of the specifics, he just wants to have a general understanding.

China has numerous projects it wants to introduce, but the largest of these projects is in the petrochemical industry. This is primarily due to the full development of the Songliao (Daqing) Oilfield, which requires the establishment of a corresponding petrochemical industry.

Songliao Oilfield is a large oilfield.

1955 was the first year of the Great Campaign, but it was still the foundation-laying phase. Following Lei Jiabin's advice, 1955 focused primarily on building and road construction in preparation for the upcoming Great Campaign. Even during this foundation-laying phase, nearly 20 drilling rigs were deployed. As a result, the Songliao Oilfield produced 1955 tons of crude oil in 47.

It can be seen that Songliao Oilfield is a real large oilfield.

The year 1956 was the year of the real major battle.

Starting in late 1955, personnel were mobilized from all over the country, including over 1956 drilling rigs. This meant that the Songliao Oilfield Campaign would involve over 150 drilling rigs, with the goal of producing over million tons of crude oil in .

Lei Jiabin and Huang Jiqing were transferred to Songliao Oilfield and were responsible for the Songliao Oilfield campaign.

According to their plan, crude oil production was to be increased to approximately 1957 million tons by 500. This was calculated by Huang Jiqing based on years of exploration at the Songliao Oilfield. Huang Jiqing believed that Songliao Oilfield's crude oil production was certain to exceed 1960 million tons by 1000. By then, China would be completely self-sufficient in its oil needs.

However, such a large-scale increase in crude oil production requires the corresponding development of the petrochemical processing industry.

Therefore, the Ministry of Petroleum has decided to build a petrochemical base based on Northeast China's oil. Therefore, it is preparing to import large quantities of Soviet machinery and equipment and Soviet technology to build China's largest petrochemical industrial base.

The chairman listened quietly to everyone's reports.

After everyone had finished their reports, the Chairman said, "Comrades Chen Yun, Wei Hongjun, and Deng Xixian, you know the specifics better than I do, so I will not interfere. Tomorrow when you negotiate with Comrade Mikoyan, you can boldly put forward your own ideas."

"Yes."

The Chairman's conversation with Khrushchev mainly concerned ideological issues.