Rebirth: I am in Jin-Cha-Ji

Wei Hongjun himself didn't dare to guarantee it.

At that time, Wei Hongjun would not say anything, and others would let him go for Wei Hongjun's sake and deal with him lightly.

These are all things that will happen.

And does this kind of treatment really deter party cadres?

No.

Because this time it was only because of Wei Hongjun's strong request that the severe punishment was imposed.

If something like this happens again, will Wei Hongjun, a member of the Politburo Standing Committee, be the first to rush out? What would that look like? Wei Hongjun, a provincial-level official, can speak up, but does that mean he'll also have to step in when things happen at the district or county level?

If something happens at the district or county level, and provincial leaders have different ideas than the central government, the handling will also be different. This is arbitrary, completely dependent on the leader's mood. How can such a handling have any deterrent effect?

So the best way is to form a system.

With a basis for punishment and a system in place, Wei Hongjun won't have to intervene in future incidents like this. Supervisory committees and ministries at all levels, including public security, procuratorial, and judicial departments, can intervene according to legal provisions. Only in this way can comprehensive oversight be established and truly deter Party cadres.

Therefore, Wei Hongjun was not considering how to deal with this incident, but how to use this incident to establish a new legal provision that all party cadres would abide by.

Everyone was considering Wei Hongjun's proposal.

This is no small matter.

If the central government really decides to establish the crime of dereliction of duty, then the Guangxi incident will result in more than one or two people being sentenced. However, since there is no crime of dereliction of duty yet, these officials in Guangxi are considered lucky.

"I support."

The commander-in-chief spoke first.

"Since I've been in charge of Party discipline, I've uncovered quite a few cadres who have committed dereliction of duty. The consequences of dereliction of duty vary, but because we haven't had clear legal provisions for cadre dereliction of duty, we've had to deal with it internally within the Party and by the organization itself. Even after this, their rank remains the same; at most, they're transferred to a non-working unit. Or, perhaps, their rank is lowered, but they still hold cadre status. However, the consequences of some cadre dereliction of duty are extremely serious, and are entirely the responsibility of Party members and cadres. Yet, no more severe punishment is imposed."

"If the crime of 'malfeasance' is established, then those cases can be dealt with more severely. It can also serve as a deterrent to more Party members and cadres."

The commander-in-chief is responsible for party discipline, so he has seen various cases of dereliction of duty.

Malfeasance can have very serious consequences.

The Chairman extinguished his cigarette and said, "Well said. Killing one serves as a warning to a hundred; killing one can save a hundred. I agree with establishing the crime of 'malfeasance'. We didn't have time to use it in the Guangxi incident, but this time we must deal with it severely so that everyone will learn from it. Comrades Red Army, please have the Secretariat come up with a plan for handling this matter. I also propose that this case be included on the agenda of the Ninth National Congress, so that comrades can discuss it openly there. It's a good opportunity to discuss the issue of 'malfeasance' at the Ninth National Congress."

It was impossible for the Chairman not to be angry.

The Central Committee was treating Khrushchev's "Secret Report" as a serious threat, but who could have imagined that Guangxi would cause such a big mess.

"I also support the establishment of the crime of malfeasance in office."

Marshal Nie nodded.

In the past, when the public security, procuratorial and judicial departments handled cases, many party members and cadres were very annoyed.

Because as long as they haven't accepted bribes or have no financial problems, these party members and cadres, aside from the powerful police system, don't take the procuratorate and the court system seriously. Even if they do something wrong, they don't think it's their turn to be disciplined by the procuratorate and the court.

Of course, at present, the procuratorate and the courts do not have many ways to deal with party members and cadres. In New China, cadre handling is mainly done within the party.

Finally, the Standing Committee unanimously agreed to establish the crime of dereliction of duty. However, the specific provisions of this crime need to be discussed by the Legal Affairs Committee first, and then approved by the National People's Congress.

As for the issue in Guangxi, the Standing Committee decided to let the Guangxi Provincial Party Committee and the Provincial Government cooperate with Qian Ying and others to complete the disaster relief and post-disaster work.

Let Guangxi stabilize first.

However, a major overhaul of Guangxi's cadre system had already been decided. The Standing Committee instructed the Organization Department to first draft a list of candidates for Secretary of the Guangxi Provincial Party Committee, Governor of Guangxi, and Vice Governor of Guangxi, which would then be submitted to the Politburo for discussion. As for the treatment of Chen Manyuan and others, the Secretariat would first produce a plan, which would then be finalized at an enlarged Politburo meeting held before the Ninth National Congress.

After the Standing Committee meeting, Wei Hongjun, acting as First Secretary of the Secretariat and on behalf of the Politburo Standing Committee, issued several documents. First, he sent a telegram to Qian Ying, demanding she be responsible for follow-up relief efforts. One task was to comfort the families of the affected people, and the other was to ensure continued agricultural production in Guangxi.

Then send a telegram to the Guangxi Provincial Party Committee and Provincial Government.

Chen Manyuan and others were required to cooperate with Qian Ying's work.

Wei Hongjun then called Guangdong Provincial Party Secretary Luo Qirong and Hunan Provincial Party Secretary Zhou Xiaozhou, hoping they would cooperate with Qian Ying and support Guangxi's disaster relief efforts. He primarily hoped these two provinces would lend some grain to Guangxi to help it weather the storm. The grain would then be returned once Guangxi's recovery had eased. Wei Hongjun knew both Luo Qirong and Zhou Xiaozhou very well.

Zhou Xiaozhou had been in the Hebei-Central Military Region during the War of Resistance Against Japanese Aggression. During the Liberation War, he was transferred to the Hebei-Rehe-Chahar District Party Committee as Minister of Propaganda, directly under Wei Hongjun. Later, when the North China Bureau was established, he served as Deputy Minister of Propaganda. When the North China Bureau formed a cadre corps heading south, Zhou Xiaozhou served as its Deputy Secretary and Minister of Propaganda. Most of the North China Bureau's cadre corps followed the Fifth Field Army into Jiangxi, Fujian, and Anhui, with some entering Guangdong. However, a small number followed the Fourth Field Army, particularly Wang Qiuyun's troops, into Hunan and took over the province.

Zhou Xiaozhou is one of them.

Because Zhou Xiaozhou had served as Chairman Mao's secretary before the Anti-Japanese War, Chairman Mao had great confidence in his abilities. After the Eighth National Congress, the Central Committee nominated Zhou Xiaozhou and appointed him as Secretary of the Hunan Provincial Party Committee.

After deploying these matters, the next issue is the Guangxi delegation to the Ninth National Congress.

If this incident hadn't happened, the preparations for the Ninth Guangxi Congress would have been the responsibility of the Guangxi Provincial Party Committee, primarily Chen Manyuan. Given Chen Manyuan's qualifications and rank, he would have been highly likely to be elected as an alternate member of the Central Committee at the Ninth Congress. However, Chen Manyuan is no longer suitable for such an important task.

This time, Chen Manyuan couldn't even keep his qualification as a representative of the Ninth National Congress, let alone be responsible for the election of representatives to the Ninth National Congress in Guangxi.

Therefore, Wei Hongjun and Deng Xixian discussed the arrangements for the Ninth Congress in Guangxi. The Ninth Congress was now only about five months away. The elections for delegates to the Ninth Congress in other provinces were almost over, and the candidate quotas would soon be submitted to the central government.

But Guangxi has not started yet.

Therefore, the election of the Ninth National Congress of Guangxi must be resumed as soon as possible.

After conferring with Deng Xixian, and discussing with Comrade Xiuyang, Comrade Chen Yun, and General Nie, Wei Hongjun decided that Comrade Wei Guoqing, who had recently returned from Vietnam, would be sent south to Guangxi. He would serve as temporary director of the Guangxi Ninth Congress Preparatory Committee and head of the Guangxi Ninth Congress delegation. Wei Guoqing was asked to go to Guangxi and take full responsibility for the affairs of the Guangxi Ninth Congress delegates.

While Wei Hongjun was busy with these things, the "Polish-Hungarian Incident" broke out.

996 Polish-Hungarian Incident

The situation in Poland has been bad since the "Poznan Incident".

After Stalin's death, the Soviet Union's control over Eastern Europe declined significantly. This included its influence over the political, economic, and ideological aspects of Eastern European countries, and even its influence over the various political parties. This is why events like the Berlin Incident and the reorganization of the Hungarian Party Central Committee occurred.

To put it bluntly, it was the newly appointed Soviet leader, Khrushchev, who lacked the same power or reputation that Stalin had once held in Eastern Europe. Putting aside the might of the Soviet Red Army sweeping across Europe during World War II, Eastern European political parties had all witnessed the purges during Stalin's time, and many even participated directly in them, so they instinctively feared Stalin.

As long as Stalin was alive, he was able to suppress the opposition in Eastern Europe.

But it is obvious that Khrushchev could not compare with Stalin in this regard.

The same is true in Poland.

After Stalin's death, Polish society relaxed considerably. Consequently, by early 1955, a number of grassroots intellectual groups began to emerge in Poland. Within a year, over forty such groups had emerged. From the outset, these groups were not government-led. Rather, they were anti-government intellectual groups, primarily criticizing Soviet and Polish government policies. However, the Polish government no longer had the energy to suppress these voices.

They have great influence among intellectuals and students.

Because many of them are high-ranking intellectuals with high academic status, they have now begun to publicly criticize some of the Polish government's policies and have gained support from many students.

As a result, the atmosphere of public opinion in Poland deteriorated steadily from 1955 onward. After the "Secret Report" reached Poland in May 1956, the situation deteriorated rapidly, becoming completely uncontrollable. These intellectual groups initially criticized some of the government's positions but had not yet reached the point of raising political demands.

But things were completely different after the "secret report".

The entire Polish Party, both inside and outside, was in turmoil. The Polish Central Committee was already exhausted simply addressing ideological issues within the Party, leaving it with no energy to address these public opinions. Eastern European countries, compared to the Chinese Communist Party, held Comrade Stalin in a deeper reverence. Because the Chinese Communist Party had conquered its own empire, it had its own founding leader, a revolutionary leader, while Eastern Europe lacked its own revolutionary leader.

Therefore, after the establishment of the Eastern European socialist states, they almost completely copied the Soviet model. Politically, economically, and even militarily, they directly inherited the Soviet system. However, implementing the Soviet model in countries so different from the Soviet Union was bound to face significant resistance. To overcome this resistance and consolidate the ruling party's position, Eastern European countries adopted similar methods of anti-counterrevolutionary measures after World War II.

After World War II, Soviet intelligence agencies began arresting "Titoists" in Eastern Europe. International intelligence agencies in Eastern Europe also joined in, rounding up a large number of so-called "Titoists." Furthermore, to maintain their rule, Eastern European governments suppressed powerful factions within their own countries, including some "non-Soviet" ideologues within their own political parties. They labeled them "narrow nationalists" and targeted them accordingly.

As a result, after the CPSU began to completely disavow Comrade Stalin, the "nationalist" cadres who had been attacked began to gain significant sympathy and support within the party. After all, the CPSU's own complete disavowal of Comrade Stalin, the spiritual leader once revered within the party, left these former "Sovietist" cadres with no room to speak out. Their previous ability to suppress various factions within and outside the party had been based on upholding the banner of Comrade Stalin.

Now that the Soviet Communist Party itself has denied this banner, how can you still raise it?

As a result, the "nationalist" faction within the party and the intellectual factions outside it quickly merged, forming a powerful force. After the Poznan massacre, protests continued across Poland, with the state prosecutor's office, the Soviet embassy, ​​military departments, prisons, and other locations subjected to varying degrees of attack. People demanded a reconsideration of the Soviet-initiated Katyn massacre, the return of the eastern Polish territories that had been effectively occupied by the Soviet Union in 1939, and the removal of Russian-language education from the education system.

These events led to increasing instability in Polish society, and growing dissatisfaction within and outside the Polish United Workers' Party with the leadership. This anger finally erupted at the Polish National Party Congress. On October 1956, 10, the Second Plenum of the Polish United Workers' Party was held.

At this time, Khrushchev once again made an incredible move.

On October 1956, 10, without notifying the Polish side, Khrushchev suddenly flew to Warsaw with senior officials including Mikoyan, Molotov, Kaganovich, Marshal Konev (Commander of the Warsaw Pact Forces), and Antonov (Chief of the Soviet General Staff). At the same time, Soviet troops stationed in Poland began moving toward Warsaw and other cities, also transferring troops from East Prussia into Poland and deploying additional warships in Polish ports, forming a siege on Warsaw.

Soviet intelligence agencies had long operated in Eastern Europe, and the Soviet Union was well-informed about the internal affairs of the Polish United Workers' Party. Precisely because the Soviet Union knew that the situation at the Polish United Workers' Party Congress was not good, Khrushchev came to Warsaw with such force. Khrushchev was arrogant in the face of Polish party leaders, angrily berated the members of the Polish Party's Politburo delegation, and demanded to attend a meeting of the Polish Party Central Committee.

Originally, Khrushchev made such a big fuss because he must have wanted to suppress the Polish United Workers' Party with thundering force and make them obey.

The results of it?

The Polish United Workers' Party took a hard line, not only directly rejecting Khrushchev's request to attend the meeting but also firmly demanding that the Soviet troops halt their advance. Despite his outwardly aggressive demeanor, Khrushchev was a coward. It's fair to say that Khrushchev had no plans before arriving in Poland, having arrived in such a rage. He ultimately ran into a snag. Faced with the unwavering refusal of the Polish United Workers' Party Politburo delegation, he ordered the troops to halt their advance.

Then his attitude softened.

The Polish United Workers' Party is also very smart.

He immediately told Khrushchev that the Polish United Workers' Party was a Marxist-Leninist party. Even if it made some adjustments to its domestic policies, they would only be economic. Politically and diplomatically, it would always follow the Soviet Union and would not leave the socialist camp.

Khrushchev also agreed not to interfere in the affairs of the Polish party, and then left Poland in disgrace.

It can be said that Khrushchev's visit to Poland this time was a complete failure.

After Khrushchev's departure, the National Conference of the Polish United Workers' Party continued, re-electing members of the Polish Politburo. Rokossovsky was not elected to the Politburo. Rokossovsky, a Soviet marshal, was invited to Poland in 1949 and became a member of the Politburo, a Polish marshal, and Deputy Chairman of the Polish Council of Ministers and Minister of Defense.

Rokossovsky is a symbolic figure in the relationship between the Soviet Union and Poland.

Now that he has failed to be elected as a member of the Polish Politburo, it shows that the close relationship between the Soviet Union and Poland has ended, and the Polish United Workers' Party is no longer a puppet of the CPSU.

It can be said that this time Khrushchev lost face in the entire socialist camp and his underwear was exposed. The Soviet intelligence agency was well aware of what was happening inside and outside the Polish party and had already reported it to the Central Committee of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union.

Under these circumstances, Khrushchev could either quietly discuss with Polish leaders how to adjust relations between the Soviet Union and Poland. Quietly resolving the Polish issue and maintaining relations between the two countries would earn him praise for his diplomatic skills. Alternatively, since he had already arrived in Poland with his troops in such a threatening manner, he could directly use his power to pressure the Polish United Workers' Party into agreeing to his terms, becoming a strongman like Stalin.

Whether it was recognition of his diplomatic abilities or his status as a political strongman, it was all good news for the socialist camp. Khrushchev was looked up to within the socialist camp.

As a result, Khrushchev took the most deplorable approach. He acted like Stalin, bringing so many high-ranking Soviet leaders and Soviet troops to Poland, only to be driven back in disgrace. This kind of behavior would be shameful even for a street thug. Furthermore, Khrushchev was the leader of the Soviet superpower, the socialist bloc. This time, he not only disgraced himself, but also the Communist Party and the Soviet Union.

The CPSU and the Soviet Union lost face. How could they lead the socialist camp and the international communist movement in the future?

After leaving Poland, Khrushchev realized that he had lost face this time.

Suddenly felt a little annoyed.

But he also understood that the most important thing now was to stabilize Eastern Europe. If he failed to handle Eastern Europe well this time, the Soviet Communist Party, which had finally calmed down, would face problems again.

Therefore, on October 10th, a telegram was immediately sent to China to inform China of what was happening in Poland and to request that the Communist Party of China send a high-level delegation, preferably led by Comrade Xiu Yang, Comrade Wu Hao, or Comrade Wei Hongjun, to the Soviet Union as soon as possible to discuss the Polish issue.

Comrades Xiu Yang and Wu Hao were leaders of the Communist Party of China starting with the Seventh National Congress, representing the CPC Central Committee on several trips to the Soviet Union. They were familiar not only with Soviet Central Committee cadres but also with Eastern European political parties. Wei Hongjun, on the other hand, enjoyed a halo and a strong reputation within the socialist camp due to his contributions to the War to Resist U.S. Aggression and Aid Korea. Although a relatively new member of the CPC, he held a high position among Eastern European political parties. With Eastern European countries currently trending towards secession, a general like Wei Hongjun, who had defeated the U.S. military, held a significant deterrent. Furthermore, Wei Hongjun is currently a member of the Standing Committee of the Political Bureau of the CPC, a position of considerable stature.

The central government attaches great importance to this issue.

After all, the Polish incident could easily lead to the collapse of the socialist camp.

Therefore, the Central Committee convened a Politburo meeting on October 1956, 10. At the meeting, the Prime Minister reported on what was happening in Poland and the Soviet Union's demands.

"The Central Committee of the CPSU has invited our party to send a delegation to discuss with it how to deal with Eastern European issues. They also hope to gain our party's support. Comrades, please share your views."

The chairman also went straight to the point.

Because time is tight.

"The consequences of the 'Secret Report' completely repudiating Comrade Stalin have begun to reverberate across Eastern Europe. Intelligence from our embassies in Eastern European countries indicates that many countries are currently experiencing signs of instability. Calls for government reform are emerging in all of these countries. Aside from Poland, the situation in Hungary is the most dangerous. If this matter cannot be resolved satisfactorily, the socialist camp is in danger of splitting."

Comrade Xiuyang looked serious.

In the current Cold War context, the two camps are in a life-and-death struggle. While conflicts may exist within the camps, the camps cannot disintegrate. For example, Yugoslavia is able to play both sides because both camps still exist. If the socialist camp did not exist, Europe and the United States would never have allowed Yugoslavia to have such an easy life.

The same is true in China.