Rebirth: I am in Jin-Cha-Ji

Gro called Khrushchev and called the villa where the Chinese delegation was staying.

Gro said he didn't want to come to Moscow for the meeting because he couldn't leave the country, and asked if it was possible. Khrushchev was in high spirits after talking with the Chinese delegation and immediately agreed not to come.

After hanging up the phone with Gro, Khrushchev continued to talk with Wei Hongjun and others.

But not long after, Zhukov also called. Zhukov urgently informed Khrushchev that the masses in Budapest, the Hungarian capital, had taken to the streets and stormed Party and government offices. The Hungarian Defense Minister called him, demanding that the Soviet Union send the Red Army to assist.

After hanging up the phone, the atmosphere became serious again.

Soon, Zhukov called again. Khrushchev told Zhukov directly on the phone: The Presidium needs to discuss the issue of sending troops. If it is the Hungarian government's request, it can be considered.

"Comrade Wei Hongjun, I'm very sorry. There are some problems in Hungary, and none of us are aware of the situation. I won't ask for your opinion. I need to go back and look into it in detail. The presidium will meet tomorrow, and I invite your Chinese delegation to attend."

"it is good."

"Then you should have a good rest."

"Comrade Khrushchev, the current problems in Eastern Europe are inseparable from Comrade Stalin's assessment. Comrade Lenin and Comrade Stalin were two leaders in the history of the CPSU and also two leaders of the international communist movement. We should not abandon either of them. Doing so would lead to ideological confusion. The current problems in Eastern Europe are the result of this confusion."

Wei Hongjun still mentioned Stalin.

However, Khrushchev didn't seem to care. He spread his hands and said, "We in the CPSU don't need such a leader. You don't fully understand. Stalin made huge mistakes during the purges. They killed a million people. Such a leader should have been abandoned long ago. The situation in Hungary is urgent now. I'll be leaving now."

After Khrushchev finished speaking, he walked out of the villa in a hurry.

Seeing Khrushchev so casual, Wei Hongjun sighed. Then, to Deng Xixian and Xi Zhongxun, who were grinning bitterly, he said, "Comrade Khrushchev still doesn't realize the magnitude of the blow the 'Secret Report' dealt to the socialist camp."

"They have always led the international communist movement and the socialist camp. They are used to finding faults in others and are not used to looking for reasons within themselves."

Wei Hongjun replied.

Even after things had gotten to this point, Khrushchev was still stubborn. Or perhaps that was the Soviet Communist Party's style.

“What will happen to Hungary?”

Wang Jiaxiang spoke.

Wei Hongjun shook his head and said, "The situation probably won't be very good. Among Eastern European countries, Hungary has always had the most serious problems. In just a few years, their Party Central Committee has been reorganized several times. The Soviet Communist Party has also visited Hungary several times to mediate the conflict, but the results have not been good. The specific situation still depends on the intelligence provided by the Soviet Union tomorrow."

"Comrade Liu Xiao, you must immediately report to the Central Committee on today's situation, including the situation in Hungary. Also, send a telegram to the Chinese Embassy in Hungary to inquire about the specific situation in Hungary."

"Yes."

Liu Xiao left.

Wei Hongjun continued, "The three of us will take turns resting today. We must always maintain contact with the Central Committee and Hungary."

"Row."

The Chinese delegation also attended the meeting of the Presidium of the CPSU the next day.

Khrushchev provided a more detailed and complete report on Hungary. Hungary's problems were far more serious than Poland's. Although Poland was experiencing social unrest and negative public opinion, control of Poland was firmly in the hands of the Polish United Workers' Party.

But Hungary is different.

Don't be fooled by the fact that one-tenth of Hungary's population is a member of the Hungarian Workers' Party, suggesting it's powerful. In reality, the Hungarian Workers' Party is merely a puffed-up entity, much like the Kuomintang (KMT) reorganized after the Xinhai Revolution. When the Hungarian government was established after World War II, all influential and well-known figures in the Hungarian Workers' Party were recruited, creating the current Hungarian Workers' Party.

Such a political party is full of factions within it, and each faction has different political views, so how can it have any control?

The Hungarian Workers' Party, with its various groups and newspapers, all had their own origins and agendas, and none of them could be controlled. The newspapers openly criticized the Soviet Union and the Central Committee of the Hungarian Communist Party, but the Hungarian Workers' Party was powerless to control them.

The most typical one is the Petofi Club.

This group was originally established with the approval of the Central Committee of the Hungarian Communist Party, and most of its members were party members. However, it has now become the largest group opposing the Central Committee of the Hungarian Communist Party. The Hungarian side was greatly encouraged by Khrushchev's disgraced departure from Poland.

On October 10, the Petofi Club convened a meeting to discuss the issue and presented a 22-point proposal to the Party Central Committee, including convening a plenary session of the Central Committee, revising the Second Five-Year Plan, implementing workers' self-government, reinstating Nagy, and expelling Rákosi. That same night, the Petofi Club, in conjunction with student groups from various universities and colleges in Budapest, presented the government with 10 more demands, including the immediate withdrawal of Soviet troops, the formation of a new government with Nagy as prime minister, the punishment of those responsible during Rákosi's leadership, and the affirmation of workers' right to strike.

On the afternoon of the 23rd, the day Wei Hongjun and his Chinese delegation arrived in the Soviet Union, Hungary organized a large-scale rally and demonstration in support of Poland. At 8 p.m., Party First Secretary Gro Eno delivered a radio address that, instead of calming the masses, intensified the conflict. Soon after, gunshots rang out in front of the radio station building, leading to bloodshed.

There was no other choice but for the Hungarian Party Central Committee to hold a meeting that night and appoint Nagy as Chairman of the Council of Ministers.

Unfortunately, the situation is completely out of control.

If you agree to one of their conditions, they will raise two. If you agree to two, they will add four. They add various conditions based on the attitude of the Central Committee of the Hungarian Communist Party.

Moreover, Hungary's army and police forces have begun to disintegrate.

If everyone had only raised some slogans for political reform before, then on the 24th, when Soviet troops entered Budapest, a large number of guns and ammunition began to appear among the Hungarian people, and clashes broke out with the Soviet troops.

The situation worsened.

"Comrade Wei Hongjun, you have seen the specific situation. Now we need the Chinese comrades to support us and give us advice."

Khrushchev, who was in high spirits yesterday, looked gloomy again today.

The situation in Hungary was much more serious than that in Poland, so Khrushchev eagerly asked Wei Hongjun for China's opinion.

Wei Hongjun said, "Comrade Khrushchev, let me tell you what we think. We have always believed that the problems in Eastern Europe have deep historical roots. We believe that they can be analyzed from both internal and external perspectives."

"During the period when Comrade Stalin was in power, the CPSU committed the errors of great-power chauvinism and great-nationalism. This resulted in an abnormal state of relations among socialist countries. Many countries in the socialist camp have their own national histories and cultures, and they have always pursued national and ethnic independence. However, the CPSU's great-power chauvinism and great-nationalism seriously damaged the national sentiments within the socialist camp. Precisely because of this, a lot of anti-Soviet public opinion emerged within the socialist camp."

Although communism belongs to the proletariat of the whole world.

But before a unified socialist revolution occurs around the world, Marxist-Leninist parties will naturally and gradually become nationalist and localist, because any ideology that wants to take root must be rooted in the local area.

But the Soviet Union's great power chauvinism precisely attacked the sovereignty and national spirit of these countries.

This would create a rift between the people of these Eastern European countries and the Soviet Union. This would especially create a rift between the intellectuals of these countries and the Soviet Union. This conflict would accumulate for a period of time and then explode.

"They have no national sentiments that can be hurt. We, the Soviet Union, provide them with military protection and economic support, but we suffer losses in trade."

Soviet Communist Party Central Committee Secretary Furtseva refuted Wei Hongjun's words.

She didn't understand what the Eastern European countries were dissatisfied with.

The Soviet Union supported their construction, but in trade, the Soviet Union was also the one that suffered losses, as Eastern European countries exploited the Soviet Union. Khrushchev pulled Furtseva aside and said, "First, let's listen to what the Chinese comrades have to say."

Furtseva then sat down.

Furtseva was an absolute supporter of Khrushchev and a general who fought for Khrushchev in the process of completely denying Stalin.

Wei Hongjun continued, "It was precisely because of the tight control over Eastern European countries during Comrade Stalin's time in power that whenever something happened, they would consult the Soviet Union and the Communist Party of the Soviet Union and act entirely in accordance with their orders. As a result, Eastern European political parties and governments were extremely incapable of handling matters independently. When faced with unexpected issues, they had no idea how to respond. This is one of the key reasons for the current problems in Eastern Europe."

This time, the ability of Eastern European political parties and countries to deal with things is astonishing.

The performance is too poor.

It is not even as good as the corresponding level of a grassroots leadership team in New China.

But that's understandable. In the past, they had always followed Soviet orders and acted according to Soviet policy. With the support of the Soviet Union and the Communist Party of the Soviet Union, they weren't afraid of domestic opposition. But when the Soviet Union and the Communist Party of the Soviet Union ran into problems and couldn't provide clear guidance, they didn't know how to handle the situation.

Khrushchev listened carefully to Wei Hongjun's words. He knew that what Wei Hongjun said was not just Wei Hongjun's opinion, but also the opinion of the CPC Central Committee. He urgently needed the CPC's support, so he wanted to know the CPC's attitude.

"Comrade Wei Hongjun, we made some mistakes in our work in the past. But now we in the CPSU are criticizing great-power chauvinism. Let me tell you what we should do now to calm the situation in Eastern Europe."

This is what Khrushchev wanted to know.

Wei Hongjun said, "Comrade Khrushchev, currently only Poland and Hungary are facing problems. But if they are not properly resolved, other Eastern European countries will also face problems next. Therefore, we cannot just treat the symptoms without addressing the root causes. We must address the problem from the root."

"We believe the CPSU should first make a gesture. That is to restructure the relationship between the CPSU and other fraternal parties. The CPSU must make a clear gesture to reassure the fraternal parties in Eastern Europe that things like what happened in Poland and Hungary will not happen again."

Khrushchev put down his pen and said, "Comrade Wei Hongjun, could you be more specific?"

"it is good."

Wei Hongjun said: "First, we must clearly understand that the proletarian parties of all countries are fraternal parties. The CPSU should treat fraternal parties and fraternal countries as equals and with mutual respect."

"Second: When conflicts arise between fraternal parties, neither party should arbitrarily blame the other. Instead, each party should first look within itself for the reasons and engage in more self-criticism. At the same time, both sides should increase communication and resolve conflicts."

"Third: Fraternal parties should regularly exchange information and ideas. One party should not dictate to the other what to do and demand absolute obedience."

Khrushchev and members of the Presidium of the CPSU lowered their heads and discussed the matter.

This was the first time since the founding of the CPSU that a leader of a proletarian party from another country had openly criticized the CPSU. Therefore, some people's faces were rather grim. However, since the CPSU was now beholden to the CCP, everyone remained silent.

After a long pause, Khrushchev said, "Comrade Wei Hongjun, we understand what you mean. We need to discuss this."

"it is good."

It was not easy for Khrushchev and the Central Committee of the CPSU to accept the Soviet Communist Party's self-criticism.

Unfortunately, the situation was more serious than the Soviet Communist Party had imagined.

It's fair to say the Hungarian Communist Party's ability to handle issues is even worse than everyone imagined. Newly appointed Hungarian Prime Minister Nagy initially had some ideas, demanding that people lay down their arms, stop fighting, and return to normalcy. Previously, public opinion in Hungary was clamoring for Nagy to step down as prime minister, so Nagy thought he could control the situation. Unfortunately, once Nagy became prime minister, the already out-of-control crowd refused to listen. The armed conflict in the capital intensified, and the riots spread throughout the country.

On the morning of October 10th, troops in Budapest again opened fire on the crowd, resulting in nearly 25 casualties in Parliament Square. At 100:3 PM, approximately 2 people surrounded the Budapest police station, demanding that officers surrender their weapons. The police and some troops defected, distributing weapons to the crowd, leading to further bloodshed. Starting on the 25th, prisons were opened, and tens of thousands of criminal and political prisoners were released, plunging the country into chaos.

The Hungarian Communist Party, the Hungarian government, and the Hungarian army have all been paralyzed.

Najib, realizing he was losing control of the situation, took a different tack. He characterized the current situation as a "national democratic movement," demanded the withdrawal of Soviet troops, and announced the disbanding of the army and security services. He also began openly engaging with European and American intelligence agencies.

Within a few days the situation in Hungary took a sharp turn for the worse.

On October 10, Khrushchev again invited the Chinese delegation.

Khrushchev was so anxious that he said in frustration, "Comrade Wei Hongjun, the situation in Hungary is completely devastating. We are considering withdrawing our troops from Hungary and abandoning Hungary."

998 Problem Solving

The current Soviet Union and the Communist Party of the Soviet Union are really rough in handling things.

After the major incidents in Budapest, including bloodshed, even Eastern European countries did their utmost to block the news. This was because the turmoil in Hungary was so severe that it seriously affected the political stability of Eastern European countries.

Eastern European countries do not want what happened in Hungary to happen in their country.

Even Eastern European countries knew that what happened in Hungary was not a good thing for the socialist camp. They needed to minimize the impact of the Hungarian incident.

But what about the Soviet Union?

Soviet newspapers reported on what was happening in Hungary openly and in great detail. Even many Soviet Communist Party newspapers reported on what was happening in Hungary constantly, as if the incident had nothing to do with the Soviet Union.

But how could it not be related?

Hungary is a country in the socialist camp and a younger brother of the Soviet Union. Now that such a serious thing has happened to this younger brother, your newspaper, as the big brother, seems to be taking some pleasure in its misfortune.

Khrushchev and the CPSU Central Committee were unable to control these newspapers in the Soviet Union. They allowed what was happening in Eastern Europe to spread freely within the Soviet Union. All kinds of gossip were now circulating in the Soviet Union.

After Wei Hongjun led his delegation to the Soviet Union, several overseas student groups sent representatives to inquire about the situation back home. This demonstrates the prevalence of gossip within the Soviet Union.

As a result, turmoil began to arise again inside and outside the Soviet Communist Party, which had finally stabilized.

The discontent within the Soviet Communist Party with Khrushchev had been finally suppressed due to the "secret report" at the beginning of the year. However, with the unrest in Eastern Europe, voices questioning Khrushchev began to grow again within the party, which further soured Khrushchev's mood.

Fortunately, there were also differences within the Central Committee of the CPSU.

Just like Malenkov and his men were laughing at Khrushchev's jokes. But they also knew that now was not the time to liquidate Khrushchev. They also knew that the most important thing at this stage was to resolve the Eastern European issue as soon as possible.

This is the only way to ensure that the Central Committee of the CPSU does not split.