Rebirth: I am in Jin-Cha-Ji

The Soviet Communist Party was very panicked, but the Chinese Communist Party was very calm.

The Central Committee of the Communist Party of China was well aware of the unrest in Eastern Europe. Even before Stalin's death, Wei Hongjun traveled to Eastern Europe and wrote a report on the region for the Central Committee. At the time, Wei Hongjun provided a very clear analysis of the situation in Eastern Europe.

Especially the communist organizations in Eastern Europe.

None can compare to the CCP. Whether it's the party's history, the rigor of its organization, or its discipline, the two sides are completely at odds. Eastern European political parties are a hodgepodge of factions forcibly fostered by the Soviet Union. In normal times, when the Soviet Union was controlling and backing them from behind, everyone was happy.

However, once the Soviet Union or domestic situations arose, these communist organizations struggled to organize effective countermeasures. Not only were these Eastern European leaders themselves incompetent, but their central committees had also experienced few major events and lacked the experience to handle such emergencies. More importantly, their party organizations were too fragmented, making it difficult to organize quickly. For example, during the Second Revolution, Sun Yat-sen and Huang Xing led the Kuomintang Central Committee in urging all members nationwide to launch a second revolution. However, the majority of Kuomintang representatives in Beijing refused to travel south to participate. Even some Kuomintang members with significant military command refused to join the revolution.

In other words, the Party Central Committee simply does not have the strength to comprehensively organize party members to act in a unified manner.

The economies of Eastern Europe are also analyzed.

They believe that Eastern Europe, following the Soviet Union's lead, adopted a "high accumulation model" to develop heavy industry. This was too heavy a burden for these small countries, severely impacting their living standards. Ultimately, political problems would inevitably arise due to economic factors.

Later, Wei Hongjun studied the history of Eastern Europe and improved the report based on Eastern European history, social conditions, and ethnic culture. After the 20th Congress of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union, Wei Hongjun wrote another report on Eastern Europe.

Therefore, the central government is mentally prepared for problems that may arise in Eastern Europe.

Even more serious consequences have been deduced.

The Soviet Communist Party had been exchanging intelligence with the Chinese delegation. The delegation, in turn, was discussing current events with Beijing. Because they were well prepared, the Central Committee quickly reached a conclusion on the Hungarian incident.

The chairman didn't say much.

The telegram simply stated that Poland was an issue of right and wrong, while Hungary was an issue of revolution and counter-revolution.

Seeing Khrushchev's expression, Wei Hongjun immediately said, "Comrade Khrushchev, the Soviet army must not retreat. The Soviet army is currently the last line of defense for imperialism's attack on socialism through Hungary. Once the Soviet army withdraws, Hungary will withdraw from the Warsaw Pact and the socialist camp. Then all of Eastern Europe will be in trouble."

"Correct."

Deng Xixian chimed in, "If we allow problems in Hungary to arise, then the stability of neighboring Czechoslovakia and Romania will be difficult to achieve. Poland, which has just stabilized, may face problems again. If that happens, the entire socialist camp will collapse."

Wei Hongjun, Deng Xixian and Xi Zhongxun all came from local central bureaus.

Although Xi Zhongxun was not the first secretary of the Northwest Bureau, he was the second secretary of the Northwest Bureau, vice chairman and acting chairman of the Northwest Military and Political Committee. He presided over the party, government and military work in the Northwest for a long time.

These cadres, who had come from the leadership of local central bureaus, had been trained in all aspects of life: land reform, bandit suppression, recruitment, training, logistics, and even participated in commanding troops in battle. They also had to receive democratic figures from the local central bureaus.

I have received training in all aspects.

So it was difficult for all three of them to understand Khrushchev's choice.

What time is it now?

With Eastern Europe in turmoil and the socialist camp in panic, the Soviet Union, as the big brother, was the most needed to step up and demonstrate its responsibility. Only when the Communist Party of the Soviet Union, the big brother, remained stable could the younger brother also maintain stability. However, Khrushchev acted timidly.

When it's time to back down and compromise, you bluff. Of course, there's nothing wrong with bluffing; playing the "empty city plan" is a form of strategy. But you absolutely shouldn't bluff and let others see through you.

Now that it was time to be tough, Khrushchev became timid.

Can I withdraw from this situation now?

"Comrade Khrushchev, the Polish issue is an internal disagreement among our fraternal parties and can be handled internally. But the Hungarian issue has evolved into a contradiction between revolution and counter-revolution, a contradiction between our socialist camp and the imperialist camp. Therefore, the Soviet army must not only not retreat but must advance further. We must ensure that Hungary continues to follow the socialist path and remains in the socialist camp. Hungary must not be allowed to fall to imperialism."

Khrushchev still had some hesitation.

"If the troops were stationed in Budapest, wouldn't that be bad? Many people would criticize us for using the military to resolve the internal affairs of a brother country."

Wei Hongjun was very angry when he saw Khrushchev's timidity.

Why didn't you say anything about the bad influence when you led your troops to Poland?

But Wei Hongjun knew this was not the time to get angry. He emphasized again, "Comrade Khrushchev, this is a crucial moment for the survival of the socialist camp. We cannot afford the slightest hesitation. I suggest that we quickly contact those members of the Hungarian Party who are still willing to pursue the socialist path and restore the Hungarian Central Committee. Only by restoring the Hungarian Central Committee can we address the following matters."

"Correct."

Deng Xixian continued, "Once the Hungarian Party Central Committee resumes operations, we can invite the Soviet army to help quell the rebellion. This way, the Soviet army can legitimately enter Budapest and stabilize the situation there. As long as Budapest is stabilized, we can restore Hungary's national administrative system and gather more party members who adhere to the socialist path."

Regarding the Hungarian issue, Wei Hongjun and Deng Xixian both had a very good understanding.

Some issues have not been discussed before.

But here they still work together seamlessly.

Wei Hongjun made the opening statement, and Deng Xixian understood what he meant. He immediately supplemented Wei Hongjun's words. Khrushchev's eyes lit up when he heard what Wei Hongjun and Deng Xixian had said. "Yes, yes. As long as the Hungarian Party Central Committee invites us, then we can enter Budapest."

Khrushchev immediately said, "Comrade Mikoyan, contact the Hungarian Party Central Committee immediately. Ask the staunch Hungarian Communist Party members to stand up and reorganize the Hungarian Party Central Committee. After the Hungarian Party Central Committee is reorganized, ask them to invite us to quell the rebellion."

"it is good."

Mi Gaoyang nodded.

Wei Hongjun continued, "Comrade Khrushchev, I still say the same thing. Solving the Polish problem, or now the Hungarian problem, is only a temporary solution. If we want to stabilize Eastern Europe, we still need to restructure the relations between the fraternal parties within the socialist camp. Only by handling conflicts between fraternal parties with an equal and fair attitude can we avoid a recurrence of the events in Poland and Hungary."

If it were a few days ago, Khrushchev and other leaders of the Soviet Communist Party would definitely not agree.

Ask the Central Committee of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union to apologize?

What a joke.

But the situation changed too quickly within a few days.

Not only was Hungary in turmoil, but other Eastern European countries were also watching. Everyone wanted to see what the Soviet Union would do. Meanwhile, British and American imperialism was already extremely excited and encouraged.

Speed ​​up the dispatch of personnel into Eastern Europe to incite public opinion there.

They wanted to overthrow all of Eastern Europe in one fell swoop. It was as if the entire world was watching how the Soviet Union would resolve the current chaos in Eastern Europe. So, Khrushchev didn't dare to refuse outright. After a moment's thought, he said, "If we issue a declaration, then..."

"The Central Committee of the Communist Party of China will also issue a statement of support."

"it is good."

Khrushchev nodded.

At this point, he had no choice.

Wei Hongjun continued, "A declaration alone is not enough. My suggestion is that the CPSU send a high-ranking cadre to each Eastern European country to meet with their leaders, convey the CPSU's intentions, and at the same time appease them."

The Soviet Communist Party has always regarded itself as the "boss party".

Even "fraternal parties" of the CCP's stature were previously treated with condescension. Even more so were those in Eastern Europe. An ambassador from the Soviet Union could dictate to the leaders of Eastern European countries, even criticizing them publicly.

This shows the domineering style of the Soviet Union and the Communist Party of the Soviet Union.

If Eastern European countries wanted to accept the declaration issued by the CPSU, the CPSU needed to continue to lower its stance and convince Eastern European countries of the Soviet Union and the CPSU's sincerity. Sending a heavyweight CPSU cadre to visit Eastern European countries was very necessary to stabilize Eastern European countries.

A superpower must unite its subordinates through both hard and soft tactics. Using troops in Hungary to stabilize the situation there would demonstrate to everyone the Soviet Union's resolve to uphold the socialist bloc and the Warsaw Pact. It would also serve as a warning to Eastern European nations, demonstrating that the Soviet Union was no paper tiger and would dare to deploy troops if pushed to the limit. Of course, such military deterrence alone was ineffective; to stabilize Eastern Europe, a soft touch was needed with other nations.

Tell the Eastern European countries that the Soviet Union is willing to change and that the CPSU is willing to become a "fraternal party" with them. Only by taking this two-pronged approach can the current Eastern European problems be temporarily resolved. Khrushchev thought for a moment and said, "Comrade Wei Hongjun, could we also ask the Chinese Communist Party to send representatives to accompany us to the Eastern European countries?"

Khrushchev now has an increasingly strong desire to bind China.

The influence of the CCP and China within the socialist camp was growing, and Eastern European countries were increasingly trusting China and the CCP. Khrushchev understood that to resolve this internal conflict within the socialist camp, he needed the support of the CCP and China.

Khrushchev needed more than just nominal support; he also needed senior CCP officials to come forward.

In this way, Eastern European countries will be more convinced that China and the CCP also support the Soviet Union.

Wei Hongjun discussed this quietly with Deng Xixian, Xi Zhongxun, and Wang Jiaxiang, then said, "Comrade Khrushchev, I need to report this to the Central Committee and await its orders."

"be quick."

Khrushchev was anxious.

Wei Hongjun nodded and said, "We will go back and send a telegram to Beijing immediately."

After the conversation, the Chinese delegation returned to their villa.

"Comrade Red Army, how do we send a telegram to the Central Committee?"

Wang Jiaxiang spoke.

Wei Hongjun said, "Under the current circumstances, we should go to Eastern Europe with the Soviet representatives to directly express our attitude. Under normal circumstances, it would be most appropriate for Comrade Deng Xixian or I to accompany the Soviet representatives to Eastern Europe. However, with the Ninth National Congress approaching, Comrade Deng Xixian and I have a lot of work to do and need to return to China to handle the preparations for the Ninth National Congress. Before coming here, the Central Committee only gave Comrade Deng Xixian and me two weeks of time. However, this trip to Eastern European countries will probably make it impossible for us to return to China in the short term. Therefore, I suggest that it would be more appropriate for Comrade Xi Zhongxun to accompany the Soviet representatives to Eastern Europe."

"But if I go to Eastern Europe, will the Soviet Union think we are neglecting the Soviet Union?"

Xi Zhongxun spoke directly.

He was only an alternate member of the Politburo and had little fame in Eastern Europe. The Soviet Communist Party would undoubtedly feel insignificant and assume the Chinese Communist Party would not take this matter seriously. Among the Chinese Communist Party delegation, Wei Hongjun and Deng Xixian were the most influential.

"I have the same concerns."

Wang Jiaxiang also expressed his views.

The CPSU and the Soviet Union have always been proud. The cadre sent by the CCP is only an alternate member of the Politburo. The CPSU might be overthinking this, especially at such a sensitive time.

"Besides demonstrating our stance on this trip to Eastern Europe, we also need to be prepared for one thing. After this recent turmoil in Eastern Europe, coupled with Comrade Khrushchev's 'Secret Report,' most Eastern European countries will question the Soviet economic system established during Comrade Stalin's time. Therefore, they will undoubtedly adjust their respective national economic systems. Previously, Eastern European countries completely transplanted the Soviet model, building numerous heavy factories, resulting in poor development of both agriculture and light industry. Over the next period of time, they will undoubtedly adjust the proportions within these systems."

"But in this economic situation, adjustments aren't easy. What about the heavy industrial plants they've already built? What about the heavy industrial plants they're currently investing in? Agriculture and light industry can't just develop if they want to. But since they want to transform, we can help."

"Some of their heavy industrial factories, especially those in the energy, heavy chemical and machinery industries, are very much needed by our country. If they want to transform, they need money, and the reduced heavy industrial enterprises need to be given a place to go."

"Our country can provide a home for their heavy industry, including using funds to relocate their heavy industrial enterprises to our country. We can also provide them with more assistance in the daily consumption sector. This is a great opportunity for cooperation, and we cannot waste it. However, this requires us to have a deeper understanding of their economy and their desire for transformation. Therefore, I am preparing to send a telegram to the Central Committee, proposing that Comrade Zhou Bin, Comrade Bo Shuchun, Comrade Lin Dafeng, Comrade An Zhiwen, and Comrade Xue Muqiao visit Eastern Europe together on this trip."

Just making a statement is the easiest thing.

Wei Hongjun wanted more.

Transformation in Eastern Europe is no easy task. Heavy industrial enterprises are already there. How will you manage these heavy industrial enterprises if you want to transform? Eastern European countries aren't large countries to begin with, and heavy industry currently accounts for such a large proportion. How will you adjust once adjustments are made? Do you have the money to do so?

Historically, their transformations have largely failed.

The main reason wasn't Soviet control, but rather that while they talked about transitioning, they lacked the necessary capabilities. Their economies were too deeply tied to the Soviet economy to be easily untied. Furthermore, their heavy industry had already held their economies hostage.

But China can help.

One is to provide a place for their heavy industrial enterprises, and the other is to increase trade with Eastern Europe and increase the supply of personal daily necessities in Eastern Europe.

Wang Jiaxiang nodded and said, "If Comrade Zhou Bin and Comrade Bo Shuchun also go, there will be more than enough food."

"What do you think?"

"I agree."

"agree."

After everyone agreed, Wang Jiaxiang and Liu Xiao immediately sent a telegram to the central government.

The next morning, Khrushchev and members of the Soviet Communist Party's Presidium arrived at the villa where the Chinese Communist Party delegation was staying. Wei Hongjun was very frustrated. Khrushchev was too impatient. It had only been one night, and he was so impatient.

Khrushchev handed over a draft written overnight by the Central Committee of the CPSU, entitled "On Developing and Further Strengthening the Basis of Friendship and Cooperation between the Soviet Union and Other Socialist Countries," to the Chinese Communist Party delegation, translating it and reading it to Wei Hongjun and others.

The general meaning has already come out.

After consultation, Wei Hongjun and Deng Xixian agreed to the Soviet draft. They only discussed some of the issues with the Presidium of the CPSU. They also informed Khrushchev of the news from the CPC Central Committee.

After the Soviet Union issued such a declaration, the Central Committee was willing to declare its support for the CPSU and the Soviet Union.