Rebirth: I am in Jin-Cha-Ji

Forced by the United States and the Soviet Union, they had no choice but to evacuate Egypt.

So humiliating.

Neither country is willing to be the United States's junior brother. If they can improve relations with China without the United States at this time, it will be a great victory for British and French diplomacy.

Even if diplomatic relations cannot be established, we can take this opportunity to further improve relations.

"This approach is correct. There are no fundamental problems or unsolvable contradictions between us and Britain and France. Moreover, judging by the trade situation in recent years, there is still much room for cooperation between us and Britain and France. US imperialism can tear apart the socialist camp from Hungary, and we can also make friends with Britain and France and tear apart the imperialist camp led by US imperialism. As long as we achieve a breakthrough in diplomacy with Britain and France, most of the countries in the imperialist camp will follow Britain and France and improve relations with us."

The Chairman nodded, strongly supporting Wei Hongjun's analysis.

When fighting, you must learn to make detours.

The interests of the United States and China currently diverge significantly. The United States' greatest concern is that China will export revolution to Southeast Asia, turning all of East and Southeast Asia into a communist state. Therefore, the United States is pursuing and blocking China. Since a frontal attack from the United States is impossible, a flank attack from the British and French sides is also an option.

After the Politburo meeting, Wei Hongjun and Deng Xixian were once again busy with preparations for the Ninth National Congress.

Preparations for the Ninth National Congress have reached their final stages. The review of the list of candidates for Central Committee members and alternate members, as well as the formulation of the meeting procedures for the Ninth National Congress, are all crucial tasks.

Wei Hongjun and Deng Xixian held consecutive meetings.

Wei Hongjun asked everyone to nominate candidates from among the central leadership, provincial leaders, and military leaders. Everyone was free to nominate, and the presidium of the Eighth National Congress would not participate in the nomination. Of course, although everyone was asked to nominate freely, it did not mean that there were no standards at all.

This list generally includes all cadres with the rank of general or above within the Party, government, and military. As for the rest, it depends on the nominations received. This nomination process includes everyone who is generally qualified to become a member or alternate member of the Central Committee. In the end, nearly 500 people were nominated.

However, the final list of candidates for the Central Committee will not exceed 200.

In other words, Wei Hongjun would convene a review committee to select approximately 500 candidates from the nearly 200 candidates as candidates for the Central Committee. These candidates would participate in the voting at the Eighth National Congress and become members and alternate members of the Central Committee according to the number of votes they received.

While reviewing the list, Wei Hongjun and Deng Xixian formulated the meeting procedures for the Eighth Congress based on the speakers and the topics to be discussed. They first submitted it to Comrade Xiuyang, Chen Yun, and Marshal Nie for review.

After they agreed, Wei Hongjun handed the meeting procedures to the chairman for review.

"Let's adjust the order of speeches."

1000 The Ninth National Congress

The chairman carefully looked at the proceedings of the Ninth National Congress.

He pointed to the order of speaking and said, "My report will be on the next day."

"But Chairman, your 'Political Report' will be the focus of discussion at the Ninth National Congress and the guiding document for the entire Ninth National Congress. In the past, at our party's national conferences, the first-day report was always a 'Political Report' drafted by the party leaders."

The Chairman’s political report for the Ninth National Congress was a report he had been preparing for nearly two years.

It involves all aspects.

The general content is similar to the historical "On the Ten Major Relationships," which discusses how to handle various contradictions in socialist construction. This is a programmatic document that tells you what to pay attention to in socialist construction.

But it was more comprehensive and detailed than "On the Ten Major Relationships," and many of its theories were more mature. Wei Hongjun, the principal organizer of the Ninth National Congress, had already read a draft of the Chairman's article in advance. Once it was published, the Chairman would leapfrog Marx, Engels, Lenin, and Stalin in the field of socialist construction, becoming the most authoritative leader in the theoretical field of socialist construction.

Because the Chairman took into account all aspects of socialist construction.

It is truly a magnum opus.

Wei Hongjun believed that as long as the Ninth National Congress passed the Chairman's report and there were no major political disturbances in China for a period of time, China's socialist construction would definitely reach a new level.

Because this report will not be outdated even in a few decades, not to mention now, and can serve as an important central document.

The chairman shook his head.

He said, "The most important thing about this Ninth National Congress is not my 'Political Report,' but the fact that our Party must accurately judge the principal contradiction in Chinese society at this stage. Only when the principal contradiction is correctly judged can we formulate policies centered around it. If the fundamental contradiction is misjudged, our policies will be seriously flawed. Your article, 'On the Stages of Socialist Development,' provides a very clear assessment of the principal contradictions in each stage of my country's socialist construction."

"Our Ninth National Congress must first clarify this point. Much of my political report is based on your 'Theory of Socialist Development Stages.' We must first get everyone to accept your 'Theory of Socialist Development Stages.' Once there's a consensus within the Party, I will deliver my political report. Therefore, you will deliver the report on the first day of the Ninth National Congress."

"Besides, although the party leader usually gives a report on the first day of our party's national congress, this is not a hard and fast rule. In our party's history, there have been times when the conference organizer gave the first report, so adjusting the order will not be a problem. My report will be on the second day."

"Yes."

Wei Hongjun nodded, still very excited.

Because this is no ordinary honor.

Since the Chairman assumed the leadership of the Party, only one person has delivered a report on the first day of the Congress on his behalf: Comrade Xiuyang. However, Comrade Xiuyang's first-day report wasn't delivered at the National Party Representative Conference, but rather at the National Central Committee meeting in the middle. Comrade Xiuyang delivered the report to the Central Committee on behalf of the Politburo.

But even so, there was a consensus within the party for a period of time that Comrade Xiuyang was the second-in-command in the party.

The Ninth National Congress was the true National Congress of the Communist Party.

Wei Hongjun's presence as the first speaker at the Ninth Congress held a unique significance. Furthermore, while the Ninth Congress of the CPC wasn't as significant as the 20th Congress of the CPSU, it wasn't much less significant. Especially at this time when both the socialist camp and the international communist movement were in a state of uncertainty, the Ninth Congress of the CPC received even greater attention. Many proletarian parties, deeply disappointed with Khrushchev and the CPSU, turned their attention to the CPC.

At that time, representatives of proletarian parties from all over the world will gather in Beijing.

"Chairman, I have another question."

"whats the matter."

"The review committee is now in the final stage of reviewing the list of candidates for Central Committee members and alternate members. However, there are a few people who we are really unsure about."

"What about it?"

Wei Hongjun said, "It's mainly about the cadres involved in Comrade Gao Gang's case. Comrade Gao Gang, Comrade Rao Shushi, Comrade Zhang Wentian, Comrade Zhang Xiushan, Comrade He Nianfen, Comrade Wang Jianan, and others. Judging from their history, they all have extensive experience and good achievements, and should all be on the list of candidates for Central Committee members and alternate members. However, they have just been criticized, and some of them are not suitable."

Gao Gang's problem is more complicated.

Because the cadres involved were high-ranking and experienced. And although the central government criticized Gao Gang and dealt with him, some cadres related to Gao Gang only had their jobs adjusted, and no organizational punishment was taken.

For example, Zhang Xiushan, He Nianfen, and Wang Jianan faced neither Party discipline nor organizational action. They were simply transferred from their original positions based on their ranks. Everyone knows the specific circumstances: they were implicated by Gao Gang.

However, the central government did not explicitly say that they and Gao Gang were "from the same sect."

So it's a bit troublesome.

The chairman fell into deep thought.

After a long pause, the Chairman said, "My opinion is that although Comrade Gao Gang made mistakes, the work he is doing now is very important. Comrade Zhang Wentian, although he made mistakes, has also made great contributions to our Party historically. The specific details still depend on the opinions of your review committee."

"Yes."

The chairman still expressed his thoughts.

Gao Gang and Zhang Wentian should still be included in the candidate list.

After all, Zhang Wentian was once a Party leader during a crucial transitional period for the CCP. Gao Gang was also a core member of the Party leadership. While both have faced criticism, it's not a good look if they can't even make the list of candidates for Central Committee members or alternate members.

As for the other cadres, they are the ones who can be promoted or not, and there was the previous issue with Gao Gang, so it doesn’t matter if they are not selected from the list of candidates.

"There's one more point. Of course, you should discuss this with Comrade Xiu Yang, Comrade Wu Hao, Comrade Chen Tanqiu, and others. I'm thinking about transferring a group of senior cadres from the military to the local areas. Currently, quite a few provincial party secretaries also serve as military region political commissars. I think we'll be able to make a clearer distinction later."

"Chairman, do you have a candidate in mind?"

Senior military officials were transferred to local positions.

This is no small matter.

The cadres who can be described like this by the Chairman must not be of a low rank.

"There's no specific candidate. But as you know, the military has a lot of cadres, especially senior ones. Transferring some of them to the local areas is also a form of support for them."

Wei Hongjun roughly understood what the Chairman meant.

The military has undergone significant downsizing in the past two years.

But the military now has many senior cadres, and many of them are young. There are a large number of leaders of major military regions, provincial military regions, and even army-level leaders in their forties. If all of them continue to stay in the military, it will cause many problems.

It would be better to transfer some senior cadres to local areas now.

"Especially those cadres who have excelled in base area construction, a group of them should be selected to serve as local cadres."

"Yes."

Wei Hongjun instantly thought of several people.

There are many cadres in the military who performed well during the period of base construction. Even among Wei Hongjun's former subordinates, there are many such talents. For example, Xia Houwen, currently serving as the political commissar of the Shenyang Military Region, is a cadre with first-class abilities in rural affairs, urban affairs, propaganda, and organization.

There are also Huang Hao, who is currently serving as the first deputy political commissar of the Inner Mongolia Military Region, and Huang Wenming, the second deputy political commissar. They were both cadres who performed very well in the construction of the base area back then.

There's also someone like Ye Chen, who succeeded Wang Jianan as commander of the Jinan Military Region. He's also a highly skilled military officer, both civil and military. He's a skilled fighter and a strong base-building expert. However, these matters need to be discussed with other officers.

After obtaining the chairman's approval, the Ninth National Congress process was basically completed.

Next came the final preparations for the Ninth National Congress, the most sensitive task. This involved reviewing the qualifications of candidates for Central Committee members and alternate members. This was no easy task. High-profile officials with extensive experience and high rank were easier to select. However, candidates with similar qualifications and ranks required careful consideration.

The balance between central ministries, local governments, the military, and state-owned enterprises must be considered.

It cannot be that one party takes everything.

Of course, this is only one aspect, but we also need to consider the historically formed factions. We can't let any one faction monopolize all the good stuff, as that would easily lead to a mass attack. Wei Hongjun and Deng Xixian were particularly cautious.

Both of them have powerful mountain forces behind them.

He has many cadres under his command who have strong factional influence.

If too many of the candidates for Central Committee members and alternate members were to be found, it would be bad news for both of them. After all, becoming a Central Committee member or alternate member signifies a true entry into the Party's upper echelons. Therefore, both of them were extremely cautious with this list of candidates.

Among the generals from the Shanxi-Chahar-Hebei region, Wei Hongjun crossed out almost all the other generals except for those with outstanding achievements and high ranks, such as Chen Kaikun, commander of the Guangzhou Military Region, Zhang Zihua, commander of the Fuzhou Military Region, and Xia Houwen, political commissar of the Shenyang Military Region.

As for officers with the rank of Lieutenant General or Major General, not a single one was retained. Even if they had become important provincial leaders, Wei Hongjun still crossed them out. This included Gao Wei, Deputy Commander of the Lanzhou Military Region, and Feng Mulin, Commander of the Anhui Military Region. Wei Hongjun even crossed out Wu Qinghe, Commander of a major military region, namely the Inner Mongolia Military Region.

This is because the proportion of cadres who came from Shanxi-Chahar-Hebei and North China is too large.

Just the cadres with the rank and credentials of a general in Jin-Cha-Ji and North China included Yang Quanwu, Deng Guo, Wang Qiuyun, Wang Zhi, Zhao Lu, and others. If you add those who transferred to the local level, the number is even greater. These individuals, with their high ranks, are definitely on the candidate list. Furthermore, they will all become members of the Central Committee at this Ninth National Congress.

The same is true for Deng Xixian.

During the Anti-Japanese War, the 129th Division, the Shanxi-Hebei-Shandong-Henan Division, and later the Central Plains Bureau and the Southwest Bureau had a large number of cadres under their command. However, like Wei Hongjun, it was impossible for him to allow them to become candidates for the Central Committee and alternate members on a large scale.

After six rounds of consultations, the review committee finalized a list of 210 candidates. This list was reviewed by Comrade Xiu Yang, Chen Yun, and Nie Shuai, and then approved by the Chairman and the Politburo. They will participate in the election of members and alternate members of the Central Committee at the Ninth National Congress. Ultimately, 101 members and 77 alternate members will be selected based on the number of votes received.

After completing this work, the preparations for the Ninth National Congress are basically over.

What remains is to convene the preparatory meeting for the Ninth National Congress and to decide how to receive national representatives and international representatives.

On February 1957, 2, the Ninth National Congress of the Communist Party of China was held in Beijing.

There are many issues to be discussed and resolved at this meeting.

On the first day of the Ninth National Congress, Wei Hongjun, as head of the preparatory group and deputy head of the presidium, first briefed the delegates on the significance of the Ninth National Congress and then formally announced its convening. Following the convention process, Wei Hongjun delivered a report on "Theory of Stages of Socialist Development." The Chairman's decision to have Wei Hongjun deliver this report first was a major shock to many within the Party.

Of course, they didn't know that Wei Hongjun was going to give a report on the day of the meeting.

In fact, it's impossible for a conference like the Ninth National Congress to discuss so many issues during the meeting. To be honest, so many important issues cannot be resolved in just a dozen days.

Therefore, there will always be a preparatory meeting before this kind of meeting.

Some issues were discussed in groups during the preparatory meetings. So even though the Ninth National Congress was held on February 2th, all the delegates had already arrived in Beijing on February 16th. Group discussions had already begun.

Members of the Central Political Bureau will be responsible for several groups and participate in their group discussions.