Rebirth: I am in Jin-Cha-Ji

Many issues were already roughly agreed upon during the preparatory meetings. This allowed for the swift passage of many clauses at the formal congress. This was also a point of criticism from democrats, who argued that the CCP's congresses were "formalistic." Instead of discussing issues at the formal congress, discussions began beforehand, leaving the congress as a formality. However, this type of congress is efficient, and members can fully express their opinions during the breakout sessions.

The debate over Wei Hongjun's "theory of stages of socialist development" remains heated. It's not that people find it unacceptable, but rather that some are reluctant to acknowledge it. Wei Hongjun explicitly stated that China is in the primary stage. Without decades of development, China will not be able to escape the primary stage of socialism.

However, Wei Hongjun's report went through several rounds of polishing.

Not only did the Chairman modify some of the content, but the Politburo also made some revisions when it was approved. So theoretically and statistically, I wouldn't say it's flawless, but it definitely doesn't have many problems.

After a day of discussion, the Ninth National Congress formally passed Wei Hongjun's report.

The next day, Chairman Mao delivered a political report titled "The Principal Contradictions in the Primary Stage of Socialism and How to Handle Them." In this report, Chairman Mao outlined the characteristics of the primary stage of socialism, identified the principal contradictions, and highlighted how to handle them.

It really involves all aspects.

The Chairman proposed that the main contradiction in the primary stage of socialism is the contradiction between the people's demand for building an advanced socialist industrial country and the reality of a backward agricultural country, and the contradiction between the people's need for rapid economic and cultural development and the situation where the current economy and culture cannot meet the people's needs.

At this stage, we must adhere to the socialist path, the dictatorship of the proletariat, the leadership of the Communist Party of China, and Marxism-Leninism. This was specifically added by the Chairman after the Eastern European issue arose.

The report emphasizes that in addition to the main contradiction, there are also many accompanying secondary contradictions.

The whole article is about how to deal with these contradictory relationships.

First: The relationship between heavy industry, light industry, and agriculture. In this report, Chairman Mao clearly stated that while we should learn from the Soviet Union, we should not blindly accept all of its experience. In 1956, the Soviet Union exposed some shortcomings and mistakes in the process of building socialism, particularly in economic development. We need to summarize the lessons learned from their detours, draw lessons from them, and avoid taking them.

The Soviet Union and Eastern Europe placed great emphasis on accumulation and the development of heavy industry, which led to numerous problems. For a long time, Soviet grain production failed to reach its pre-revolutionary peak. Some Eastern European countries, following the Soviet example, experienced a serious imbalance in the development of their heavy and light industries. This one-sided focus on heavy industry, while neglecting agriculture and light industry, led to a shortage of goods in the market and unstable currencies.

China must learn from this lesson and properly develop agriculture and light industry to ensure the food and raw materials needed for industrial development, ensure a relatively abundant supply of daily necessities, and maintain relatively stable prices and currency.

However, the Chairman has always stressed that heavy industry remains the focus of investment, but the investment proportion needs to be adjusted.

Second: The relationship between coastal industry and inland industry.

Here, the Chairman adopted Wei Hongjun's thesis on the primary stage of socialism, as well as Khrushchev's "Three Peaces" theory from the 20th Congress of the CPSU. He concluded that a large-scale war between China and a major world power was unlikely in the near future, and that American imperialism would not drop an atomic bomb on China tomorrow. Therefore, the Chairman estimated that this "peace" would last for ten years or even longer.

Therefore, we should take advantage of the superior light industrial base in coastal areas compared to inland areas, boldly develop coastal industries, and fully utilize the equipment and technical strength of coastal industries. The Chairman believes that light industry accumulates rapidly and is suitable for vigorous development in coastal areas.

At the same time, the chairman said that coastal areas should help inland areas to develop industries.

Smaller industries in coastal areas should be guided to develop in inland provinces. For example, Shanghai has a large number of small and medium-sized factories, including canneries, garment factories, paint factories, leather factories, and so on.

Due to their small size, these factories are at a relative disadvantage during Shanghai's rapid development. However, while these factories may not be very impressive in Shanghai, their small size makes them excellent factories for inland provinces without an industrial base.

Many inland provinces haven't even started industrial development.

So what the Chairman meant was that small and medium-sized factories in large coastal cities could be relocated to inland provinces under government guidance, so that inland provinces could also begin to have a certain industrial base.

The Chairman asked coastal provinces to support inland provinces, and inland provinces to actively attract small and medium-sized enterprises from big cities.

Third: On the relationship between the state, state-owned enterprises, collectively-owned enterprises, and mixed-ownership enterprises.

Although the central government has been discussing these companies and has even begun legislation, this was the situation in the early days of the People's Republic of China. Legislation is not as effective as reports at the National Congress of the Party.

Previously, the chairman was more "hands-off".

I would like to first look at the development of these enterprises with different ownership structures.

Over the years, the Chairman has become increasingly familiar with the situation of these enterprises. In addition to Wei Hongjun's theory of the primary stage of socialism, the Chairman, in this political report, for the first time clearly defined the position of these enterprises under different ownership structures.

The Chairman made it clear that as long as enterprises of all ownership types firmly obey the laws and regulations of New China and integrate into the socialist economic system, they are all part of the socialist economic system.

It also clearly defines the relationships among enterprises of various ownership structures.

Fourth: Regarding the relationship between production units and producers.

This included the relationship between factories and workers, and between rural cooperatives and their members. However, this time, the Chairman focused on the issues between cooperatives and farmers. The problems arising in the Soviet Union and Eastern Europe had a significant impact on the Chairman.

Because the rural problems in the Soviet Union and Eastern Europe are very serious.

Rural development must balance the interests of both the state and farmers. Agricultural taxes should not be too high. The exchange of industrial and agricultural products should minimize the gap between them, ensuring equal or near-equal exchange. State-purchased agricultural product prices should not be too low, and should increase annually to ensure a consistent increase in rural farmers' incomes. Regarding the supply of industrial products to farmers, we should adopt a policy of small profits but quick turnover, stabilizing prices, or even reducing them appropriately.

The relationship between cooperatives and farmers must also be properly managed. Clear regulations must be established regarding how much of the cooperative's income goes to the state, how much to the cooperative, and how much to the farmers, as well as how these payments are made. We can't have it one way today and another way next year, without any transparency. Furthermore, there must be clear regulations on how the cooperative's share will be handled. There must be a reasonable proportion of production fees, management fees, housing provident funds, and public welfare funds. And the accounts must be open so everyone knows how the cooperative's funds are used.

We must give equal consideration to the state and the factories, the state and the workers, the factories and the workers, the state and the cooperatives, the state and the peasants, and the cooperatives and the peasants; we cannot focus on just one side. Focusing on either side is detrimental to socialism and the dictatorship of the proletariat. This is a major issue that concerns 600 million people, and we must repeatedly educate the entire Party and the people throughout the country.

After discussing these four contradictions, the Chairman summarized the basic issues concerning socialist economic construction.

It was clearly stated that in socialist economic development, we must adhere to a policy of steady progress while maintaining a comprehensive balance. The primary stage of socialism is a long one, and our cadres cannot expect to enter communism tomorrow. This is a "leftist" approach and must be stopped. Our industrial and agricultural plans must be consistent with the current level of productivity.

In the socialist economic system, we must adhere to the "four main bodies, four supplements" principle. Within China's socialist economy, state-owned enterprises are responsible for pillar industries related to national economy and people's livelihood, forming the main body, while collectively-owned enterprises, mixed-ownership enterprises, and small individual businesses are responsible for the production of ordinary daily necessities, forming the supplement. In industrial and commercial operations, state-owned and collectively-owned enterprises are the main body, while a certain number of mixed-ownership enterprises and small individual businesses form the supplement. In production planning, planned production of major industrial and agricultural products nationwide is the main body, while free production of non-major products forms the supplement. In terms of the market, the state market is the main body, while the free market within a certain scope forms the supplement.

This is the basic policy for socialist economic construction proposed by the Chairman.

Then there is the issue of party and government.

1001 Amendment to the Party Constitution

Regarding the party and government, the Chairman focused on five aspects.

The first is party building.

On Party building, the Chairman once again stressed the importance of improving democratic centralism within the Party, upholding the system of collective leadership, opposing the cult of the individual, and strengthening the relationship between the Party and the masses. This has become a commonplace.

Since Stalin's death, the Chairman has emphasized this point at every congress.

But this time it's more detailed.

The Chairman demanded that from the central government to local levels, the cadre division of labor system under the leadership of the Party Committee should be implemented conscientiously.

In addition to promoting inner-party democracy, the Chairman also emphasized the Party's purity. Using an analogy from the war years, the Chairman emphasized that quality, not quantity, is more important than Party membership. He urged that the pursuit of Party membership numbers should be prioritized over its quality.

The issue of joining the Party must be strictly controlled.

We cannot have something like what happened in Hungary. During the "Hungarian incident," 90% of party members suddenly quit the party because the party was not pure enough.

The second is the relationship between the Party and non-Party democrats.

The Chairman focused on the issue of class struggle.

With the completion of socialist transformation, some people believe that class struggle no longer exists and should be completely abandoned. Chairman Mao explicitly opposes this view. Socialism is not communism, so how can there be no class struggle?

However, with the success of socialist transformation, class contradictions have eased considerably compared to before and are no longer the principal contradiction in socialist countries. However, just because the principal contradiction is no longer class, we should not completely abandon class struggle. This would be inconsistent with the stage of socialist development.

The Communist Party of China must remember that it represents the working class and the peasant class.

If we deviate from this foundation and abandon class struggle, then it is "revisionism."

Since classes and class struggle still exist in China, there cannot be no opposition in various forms. Most democratic parties and non-party democrats represent this opposition. Although they all expressed their acceptance of the leadership of the Communist Party of China after the founding of the People's Republic of China, many of them did not fully accept it. On issues such as the "Suppression of Counterrevolutionaries" campaign, the Korean War, land reform, and the "Three Antis Campaign," they were both opposed and non-opposed.

They still hold opinions about the suppression of counter-revolutionaries and hope to repudiate the "Suppression of Counter-Revolutionaries Movement." They say the Common Program formulated at the first CPPCC meeting was excellent and they don't want a socialist-style constitution. But when the constitution was drafted, they all voted in favor. Things often turn into their opposites, and the democratic parties' attitudes on many issues are no different. They are the opposition, yet they are not the opposition, often transitioning from opposition to non-opposition.

Therefore, when dealing with them, we must unite with them and fight against them at the same time.

The prerequisite for unity is that they must accept the dictatorship of the proletariat, the leadership of the Communist Party of China, and our socialist system. Under this fundamental premise, if they criticize us, even if it's unreasonable, we will refute them. If it's justified, we will accept it. This is more beneficial to the Party, the people, and socialism.

The third is the relationship between the central and local governments.

The Chairman talked about this the most.

That is how to handle the relationship between the central and local governments. And the Chairman is not just talking about the central and local governments, because for the grassroots governments below, the provincial party committee and government are the central government.

So what the Chairman talked about was the relationship between the higher-level Party committees and governments and the lower-level Party committees and governments.

One of them is "formalism".

Higher-level Party committees and governments frequently hand over various documents and forms to lower-level Party committees and governments, disrupting their normal work. Central government ministries and commissions, in particular, find it difficult to issue directives to provincial Party committees and governments. They work in concert with provincial and municipal bureaus and departments, issuing them daily. While the Party Central Committee and the State Council remain unaware of these directives, they are often attributed to the central government, placing immense pressure on local governments. The sheer volume of reports and forms has led to an overflowing of demands.

This applies to central ministries and commissions, as well as provincial and bureau-level departments. The same method is used to issue orders to lower-level district and county-level units. The Chairman requires central ministries and commissions to ensure that important matters go through the State Council and that routine work cannot always bypass the provincial party committees and governments below them, but should be consulted more frequently with them.

The same applies to how the central government handles matters.

Instead of always issuing orders and demanding compliance, we should strengthen communication with local governments and come up with a solution that satisfies both sides.

Then there is the question of the distribution of power.

China has a centralized system that has existed for thousands of years and was modeled after the Soviet Union, resulting in excessive central power. The President has now proposed that the central government should delegate some power to local governments, giving them a certain degree of autonomy.

Especially the issue of socialist construction.

With so many provinces across China, we must all work together. However, local governments currently have too little power, which dampens their enthusiasm. It is essential to properly stimulate local initiative and allow them to exercise their subjective initiative.

Including legislative issues.

Currently, legislative power resides with the central government. However, local governments may formulate charters, regulations, and procedures based on circumstances and work needs, provided they do not violate the Constitution or central government guidelines. This respects the unique characteristics of local governments.

Of course, local particularities must be subject to national unity.

The relationship between the central and local governments must be both unified and unique. To build a strong socialist state, there must be strong, unified leadership from the central government, unified planning, and unified discipline throughout the country. Violation of this necessary unity is unacceptable. At the same time, local initiative must be fully mobilized, and each region must have unique characteristics tailored to its local conditions. This uniqueness is necessary to stimulate local initiative, serve the overall interests, and strengthen national unity.

What the Chairman said were all programmatic things.

How to ensure unity and, at the same time, what areas of autonomy to grant to local governments require more communication between the central and local governments. This is something that will be discussed after the Ninth National Congress.

Fourth: The relationship between revolution and counter-revolution.

Here, the Chairman refuted recent remarks by some democratic figures. He clearly stated that the "Suppression of Counterrevolutionaries" campaign was absolutely necessary and absolutely correct. The suppression of counterrevolutionaries resulted in the execution of a large number of people. Who were they? They were counterrevolutionaries deeply hated by the people and saddled with blood debts. In a revolution of 600 million people, the people could not have risen without executing those "tyrants of the East" and "tyrants of the West." If it hadn't been for that suppression, the people wouldn't have supported our lenient policy today. Some people, hearing that Stalin wrongly executed some people, claim that the counterrevolutionaries we executed were also wrongly executed. This is incorrect.

In fact, there were some voices within the Party who supported the democratic figures' use of "secret reports" to criticize the "Suppression of Counterrevolutionaries" campaign in the early years of the People's Republic of China and the establishment of a "Rehabilitation Committee." They felt that the "Suppression of Counterrevolutionaries" campaign in the early years of the People's Republic of China was somewhat exaggerated, and that some people who did not deserve execution were killed.

Were there any unjust, false or wrong cases in the “Suppression of Counterrevolutionaries Movement”?

There must be.

This was a nationwide campaign; how could there not be problems? However, it is absolutely unacceptable for some to exploit this error to completely negate the "Suppression of Counterrevolutionaries" campaign. Once CCP cadres themselves begin to question and waver in their commitment to the "Suppression of Counterrevolutionaries" campaign, it becomes a Chinese version of the "Secret Report."

Therefore, at the Ninth National Congress, the Chairman once again affirmed the correctness of the "Suppression of Counterrevolutionaries Movement."

Of course, the Chairman then made it clear that after the "Suppression of Counterrevolutionaries" campaign and the socialist construction of recent years, the number of counterrevolutionaries in the country had been greatly reduced. However, the number of counterrevolutionaries had decreased, not disappeared, so the fight against counterrevolutionaries would continue. Furthermore, the "Counterrevolutionary Law" had been promulgated at the Eighth National Congress, and a nationwide campaign like the "Suppression of Counterrevolutionaries" was no longer necessary.

Just deal with it according to the "Counter-Revolutionary Law".

Of course, the Chairman also emphasized in his report that with social stability and economic development, the treatment of "counter-revolutionaries" must also change. We cannot kill many people in order to deter the enemy as in the early days of the founding of New China.

It is still better to kill less and be more cautious.

As long as the counter-revolutionaries who are extremely unpopular with the people do not directly harm the interests of the people, we should kill fewer of them.

The Chairman gave four reasons.

The first rule: Once a killing spree begins, after the first person is killed, the second and third will come to compete, and many heads will fall to the ground.

Second: Once you start killing people, you might kill the wrong person. History has proven that a head can't be reattached, unlike leeks, which grow back after being cut once. If you make a mistake, there's no way to correct it.

Article 3: Suppressing counter-revolutionaries requires evidence. One counter-revolutionary is often living evidence against another, and you can consult him if there's a lawsuit. If you eliminate him, you might not be able to find any evidence. This only benefits the counter-revolutionaries, not the revolution.

Article 4: Killing them will not increase production, advance science, help eliminate the four pests, strengthen national defense, or recapture Taiwan. Killing them will earn you the reputation of killing prisoners, and killing prisoners has always had a negative reputation.

Still the same judgment.

As with class contradictions, as socialist construction progresses, counter-revolution is no longer the primary contradiction. We should pay attention to it, but we cannot focus all our efforts on the issue of counter-revolution.