Rebirth: I am in Jin-Cha-Ji

This extends the fifth aspect.

Fifth: The relationship between contradictions between ourselves and the enemy and contradictions among the people.

This is another big topic.

Historically, Chairman Mao wrote a famous article specifically on this issue, "On the Correct Handling of Contradictions Among the People," which detailed various types of contradictions among the people and how to distinguish between contradictions between ourselves and the enemy and contradictions among the people.

This time, the Chairman put this issue on his political report.

Chairman Mao clearly stated that the terms "people" and "enemies" are historical categories, with different meanings in different countries and at different historical periods within each country. During the period of socialist construction, all classes, strata, and social groups that support, uphold, and participate in socialist construction fall within the purview of the people; all social forces and groups that resist the socialist revolution and are hostile to or sabotage socialist construction are enemies of the people.

The Chairman’s report has very clear attitudes in many aspects, and they are all interrelated.

The people and the enemies are no longer divided by their origins.

Instead, we judge the people and their enemies based on whether they support the socialist revolution and socialist construction, or are hostile to and sabotage socialist construction. This is also a concrete manifestation of the easing of class contradictions during the stage of socialist construction.

Contradictions between ourselves and the enemy are antagonistic contradictions; contradictions among the people, generally speaking, are non-antagonistic contradictions based on the fundamental unity of the people's interests. The two types of social contradictions differ in nature, and the methods of resolution are therefore different. To resolve contradictions between ourselves and the enemy, we use the method of dictatorship; to resolve contradictions among the people, we use the method of democracy, that is, the method of "unity-criticism-unity." Resolving these two types of social contradictions, which are of different natures, must center around the basic principle of "mobilizing all positive factors at home and abroad to serve the cause of socialism."

After discussing the party and government, the Chairman began to talk about ethnic issues.

Focus on the proletarian democratic policy.

The Chairman believed that many ethnic conflicts that had arisen in the past were mostly conflicts created by the reactionary rulers of the Han ethnic group and the reactionary rulers of ethnic minorities in order to maintain their reactionary rule.

The Chairman pointed out that there are three bad tendencies in the current handling of ethnic conflicts.

The first is that some cadres harbor "Han chauvinism," failing to understand or even looking down on the history, culture, and customs of other ethnic minorities. Consequently, when they arrive in minority areas, they don't formulate policies based on local realities but simply copy those of the Central Plains.

Secondly, our United Front work, in order to unite some of the upper echelons of ethnic minorities, has often abandoned principles and indulged them without restraint. We have ignored the interests of the vast majority of ethnic minority people and focused solely on the interests of these elite elites. Consequently, United Front work often puts pressure on local governments in ethnic minority areas, interfering with their normal work.

Third, ethnic minority elites, seeking to maintain their privileges in ethnic minority areas, exploit the Party's united front work to deliberately sow discord between ethnic minority and Han Chinese communities. They attempt to use ethnic tensions to mask class contradictions, coerce ethnic minority communities into bargaining with the central government, and leverage the government to intimidate ethnic minority communities into compliance.

These three tendencies are the main problems that have not yet been able to completely resolve ethnic conflicts.

The report states that ethnic minority regions and the Central Plains share both similarities and particularities. The commonality is the class contradictions between the grassroots masses and the upper class, while the particularity is that some ethnic minority regions have their own unique cultures.

Therefore, the Chairman demands that united front work be carried out, but we must not sacrifice the interests of the minority people for the sake of united front work for the minority elites, nor arbitrarily interfere with the normal affairs of local governments. Our cadres working in minority areas must respect the history, culture, and customs of the ethnic minorities, understand class contradictions, master the weapons of class struggle, and unite the local grassroots people. Only in this way can the barriers between the Han and minority people be eliminated, and ethnic conflicts be resolved.

Finally, let’s talk about the relationship between China and foreign countries.

The Chairman made extensive use of everyone's opinions, including Khrushchev's theory of "peaceful coexistence" and Wei Hongjun's analysis of the various contradictions in the current international community. The Chairman summarized these theories and also incorporated articles written by the Chairman in the past.

Three main aspects were discussed.

The first is the issue of the relationship between socialist countries and capitalist countries.

The Chairman agreed with the conclusion of the CPSU Central Committee at the 20th Congress that "the emergence of lethal weapons like the atomic bomb will create a delicate balance between major powers and promote peace." He also judged that a world war involving major powers would not break out anytime soon.

This is a matter of peace.

Then there is the question of the development of capitalist countries.

Chairman Mao agreed with Wei Hongjun's assessment of the Politburo at the time that European and American imperialism would not disappear anytime soon. China must be prepared to coexist with imperialist countries in the world for decades to come.

Given this judgment, China must actively engage with these imperialist countries diplomatically. Imperialist countries attack and infiltrate the socialist camp, tearing it apart, and socialist countries should fight back.

If the capitalists of imperialist countries, because of attacks from socialist countries, choose to compromise with their own working class and are willing to improve the working class's treatment, then this is also a great contribution of the socialist countries.

At the same time, if imperialist countries adopt some of the policies and theories of socialist countries, it indicates that socialist elements are beginning to grow within these imperialist countries. In the future, it is not impossible that these socialist elements will replace capitalist elements and eventually become socialist countries.

The second is the question of how to absorb knowledge from foreign countries and nations.

Oppose the "dogmatism" of blind learning and the "closed-door" thinking of blind xenophobia.

In this article, the Chairman once again evaluated Comrade Stalin. Those in the Soviet Union who once praised Stalin to the skies have now suddenly cast him to the ground. Some in our country have also followed suit. The Central Committee believes that Stalin's mistakes were three-tenths and his achievements were seven-tenths. Overall, Comrade Stalin was still a great Marxist.

The "dogmatism" of blind learning mainly refers to the issue of learning from the Soviet Union.

Learn critically.

Don't just take everything and use it. You have to understand that while both the Soviet Union and China are socialist countries, their histories, cultures, and economic foundations are different, and it's impossible to completely copy the Soviet model.

Of course, in terms of technology, the report directly states that we should follow most of it first, because we don't have those yet and don't understand them yet, so it's more advantageous to learn them. Once we have learned them thoroughly, we can then consider whether they are right or wrong.

As for blind xenophobia, it mainly refers to imperialism.

We must resolutely resist and criticize all corrupt systems and ideologies of the foreign bourgeoisie. However, this does not prevent us from learning the advanced science and technology and scientific aspects of business management methods from capitalist countries. Enterprises in developed industrial countries employ fewer people, are highly efficient, and possess business acumen. We should diligently learn from these principles to improve our work.

Nowadays, those who study English no longer study it, academic papers are not translated into English, French, German, or Japanese, and no one exchanges science and technology with others. This is also a form of superstition. Uncritically rejecting foreign science, technology, and culture, and blindly copying foreign things without analysis, as mentioned above, are both unMarxist attitudes and detrimental to our cause.

The third is about trade.

At the Eighth National Congress, Chairman Mao's comments on trade were that trade with the Soviet Union should be the primary focus, with trade with Eastern Europe as a supplement, while trade with capitalist countries should not be abandoned. However, at the Ninth National Congress, Chairman Mao's political report formally placed trade with capitalist countries on an equal footing with trade with the Soviet Union.

Since China strengthened its economic cooperation with Europe, its trade with capitalist countries has developed rapidly.

Moreover, European countries do have a lot of technologies that China needs.

Just like the large number of complete sets of machinery, equipment, and technology that China purchased from Europe in 1954, some of which have already begun production, this has many benefits in improving China's technology and filling the gaps in its industry.

There are also places like Guangdong, which have developed rapidly because of their processing trade.

Not to mention the numerous factories in Guangzhou and Bao'an, there are over 1200 rural cooperatives directly involved in the processing trade, and nearly 3000 indirectly involved. Some directly process imported materials and export processed goods, some engage in transportation, and some participate in farming – all benefiting.

One can imagine the driving force of the processing-on-commissioned materials industry on rural Guangdong.

Therefore, the President has placed the two types of trade on an equal footing. Don't underestimate this positioning; it will definitely have a huge impact on promoting trade between China and capitalist countries.

The chairman's report is very long.

The report alone took more than five hours in the morning.

The discussion surrounding this report was intense. After all, it contained a lot of new content. The "four principal components, four supplementary components" in economic development, for example, differed significantly from the Soviet socialist planned economy.

The definition of state-owned enterprises, collectively owned enterprises, mixed-ownership enterprises, and small individual businesses also marked a major breakthrough in socialist construction. This was stated by the Chairman in his political report to the Ninth National Congress, signifying that the Central Committee recognized the legal status of these different types of enterprises. At the very least, mixed-ownership enterprises and small individual businesses were no longer politically ostracized as alternatives.

And relations with foreign countries.

Because China is a socialist country and learned from the Soviet Union. Moreover, many cadres’ revolutionary slogans are “anti-imperialism and anti-feudalism.” After becoming cadres of the new China, they naturally reject everything imperialist.

This is understandable.

After all, we've been shouting about "anti-imperialism and anti-feudalism" for so many years, and the goal of the revolution was to overthrow feudalism and drive out imperialism. Now that we're being asked to learn about imperialism again, many people can't accept it emotionally.

Besides the emotional turmoil, many cadres also harbored concerns. After all, the CCP's history of "leftism" is deeply ingrained. Previously, even slightly "right" stances on land reform were labeled "rich peasantism." Consequently, many cadres harbored lingering fears, believing the best approach was to directly reject imperialism. After all, that wouldn't cause any problems.

The Chairman has spoken on this issue before, but the effect was not very good.

Everyone is still rejecting and worried.

Therefore, the Chairman put this matter specifically in the political report of the Ninth National Congress. Once the political report of the Ninth National Congress spreads within the Party, the impact will be completely different.

There is also the question of the relationship with imperialism.

This was the first time that the Central Committee acknowledged at a national conference that imperialism would not perish in a short period of time, so it was necessary to strengthen exchanges with them.

The Chairman's report covers all aspects of politics, economy and diplomacy.

The Chairman's "Political Report" was the subject of lively group discussions. Following the discussion, some delegations raised questions about the report, which the Chairman addressed one by one. Finally, the General Assembly adopted the Chairman's "Political Report."

Afterwards, Comrade Xiu Yang, on behalf of the Politburo, delivered a five-year work report to the national Party representatives. The Premier, on behalf of the State Council, delivered a report on "Suggestions on the Second Five-Year Plan for the Development of the National Economy," and Marshal Nie delivered a report on "Strengthening the Construction of Socialist Rule of Law."

After they finished their reports, Comrade Deng Xixian made a report on "Intra-Party Unity."

In fact, it was to formally and more clearly conclude Comrade Gao Gang's case. The Fifth Session of the Eighth Central Committee was a meeting of the National Central Committee, which is different from the Ninth National Congress. The Ninth National Congress formally reached a conclusion, which can be regarded as the final word on this matter.

Afterwards, the commander-in-chief made a "report on the issue of misconduct by party members and cadres."

The focus was on things related to Guangxi.

The Secretariat recommended a solution, which was adopted by the Politburo and submitted to the Ninth National Congress for discussion. Many delegates were both angry and shocked upon hearing about the Guangxi incident. They were angry because the Guangxi officials had gone too far. China's grain production has been increasing in recent years, and rural grain reserves have also been increasing. How could such a minor disaster have resulted in so many deaths?

What shocked everyone was that they understood that the central government was going to take drastic measures.

Because the "malfeasance" the commander-in-chief is referring to is a criminal offense. In the past, when work problems arose, politics always played a role. These issues included "bureaucracy" and "localism."

While such a political label is quite powerful, it's still less severe than a criminal offense. Politically, one can temporarily fall from grace because there's still a chance for recovery. But if one is prosecuted as a criminal, there's no chance of recovery.

This is completely different from before.

Although the cadres in Guangxi did not face the crime of dereliction of duty, after the crime of dereliction of duty was passed at the Ninth National Congress, it would not be truly implemented until the Second National People's Congress in October.

But the punishment for cadres in Guangxi is also more severe than before.

Guangxi Provincial Party Secretary Chen Manyuan, Guangxi Governor Hao Zhongshi, and Guangxi Vice Governor Xiao Yizhou all bear unshirkable leadership responsibility. The Secretariat has recommended that all three be placed on probation within the Party and removed from their posts. Chen Manyuan will be demoted from Administrative Level 6 to Administrative Level 12, Hao Zhongshi from Administrative Level 7 to Administrative Level 13, and Xiao Yizhou from Administrative Level 8 to Administrative Level 14.

Other leaders of the Guangxi Provincial Party Committee and Provincial Government also bear certain responsibilities. In addition to internal party handling, most of them have been demoted in administrative levels.

The primary person responsible for this incident, Yang Lin, Party Secretary of the Pingle Prefectural Committee, was expelled from the Party. Of course, many cadres were expelled from the Party in the Pingle District, as the situation there was the most serious. Almost all cadres in the entire Pingle area were expelled.

This is definitely the most serious and largest number of people involved in the handling of "non-political reasons" since the founding of New China.

On the eighth day of the congress, Wei Hongjun, on behalf of the Secretariat, delivered a report on the revision of the Party Constitution. This revision included significant changes: the number of Politburo members increased from 17 to 19, with six alternate members, and the number of Central Committee members increased to 6, with 101 alternate members.

The meeting first elected members and alternate members of the Central Committee.

The newly formed Central Committee will then elect a new Politburo.

Due to the retirement of the Commander-in-Chief, Dong Biwu, and Lin Boqu, five new members of the Political Bureau were added to the original 14 members. They are Chen Tanqiu, Li Xiannian, Tan Zhenlin, Xi Zhongxun, and General Chen.

Thus a new Politburo was born.

Chairman, Comrade Xiu Yang, Premier, Chen Yun, Marshal Nie, Wei Hongjun, Deng Xixian, General Peng, Peng Zhen, Marshal Lin, General He, Marshal Luo, Li Fuchun, Deng Zhihui, Chen Tanqiu, Li Xiannian, Tan Zhenlin, Xi Zhongxun, General Chen.

Then there are the six alternate members of the Politburo.

They are Liu Shuai, Xu Shuai, Luo Qirong, Li Xuefeng, Chen Boda, and Zhou Bin. Zhou Bin's situation is the most unique. He now has a growing portfolio of responsibilities, and the work he handles is becoming increasingly important. Furthermore, Zhou Bin's seniority and achievements warrant further advancement within the Party, but he is often suppressed, making it difficult for him to enter the Politburo. Therefore, he has been appointed an alternate member of the Politburo this time, but with a sixth-place ranking, he has virtually no chance of joining the Politburo.

At the same time, a new Politburo Standing Committee was born.

1002 Nine Personnel Arrangements

The Chairman, Comrade Xiu Yang, the Premier, Chen Yun, Marshal Nie, Wei Hongjun and Deng Xixian were the new members of the Political Bureau Standing Committee of the Ninth National Congress.

There is also a division of labor among the Politburo Standing Committee members.

The Chairman is responsible for the overall work of the Party. Comrade Xiu Yang and Wei Hongjun assist the Chairman in taking charge of Party affairs. The Premier is responsible for government work. Deng Xixian assists Comrade Chen Yun in taking charge of economic work. Marshal Nie is responsible for public security, procuratorial and judicial work.

Wei Hongjun once again served as General Secretary of the Central Committee and First Secretary of the Secretariat.

Because the division of labor did not specify who was in charge of the Central Party affairs, Xiu Yang or Wei Hongjun, both were qualified to assist the Chairman in managing the Central Party affairs. However, with Wei Hongjun's appointment as General Secretary of the Central Committee and First Secretary of the Secretariat, all the Central Party committee departments came under his direct management.

So, in essence, Wei Hongjun was fully responsible for the Party affairs of the Central Committee starting from the Ninth National Congress. Of course, Comrade Xiuyang was also in charge of Party affairs, so he still had a great say in Party affairs.

Following the elections for the Politburo Standing Committee, Politburo members, Central Committee members, and alternate members, the Central Supervisory Commission will be elected. Following the retirement of General Secretary Xi Jinping and Dong Biwu, the Party's disciplinary inspection and supervisory departments will be formally merged to form the new Central Supervisory Commission. The Supervisory Commission will then become the highest disciplinary and supervisory body within the Party.

Tan Zhenlin, newly elected to the Politburo, serves as secretary of the Central Commission for Discipline Inspection. Politburo alternate Luo Qirong, Minister of Supervision Qian Ying, and Ye Shuai, Minister of Supervision of the People's Liberation Army Armed Forces, serve as deputy secretaries. These three departments are responsible for intra-party supervision, government supervision, and military supervision, respectively.