The Premier, on behalf of Comrade Li Desheng, Chairman of the Central Military Commission, presided over this meeting of the Central Military Commission.

Marshals Lin, Xu, and Chen Geng did not attend the CMC meeting due to health reasons. General Chen also did not attend, citing matters concerning the Foreign Affairs Commission. Aside from these four, all other CMC members attended the meeting. Because this was the first CMC meeting held after the Ninth National Congress, there would be numerous personnel adjustments within the military.

The first is the issue of cadre retirement.

Wang Shusheng, the first deputy director of the General Armament Department, and Tao Zhiyue, deputy commander of the Xinjiang Military Region and commander of the Xinjiang Production and Construction Corps, both turned 65 this year, reaching the retirement age for the military.

The Military Commission meeting approved the retirement of both of them.

Hong Xuezhi, Deputy Minister of the General Logistics Department, was appointed First Deputy Minister of the General Armament Department, acting as Minister. Yang Quanwu, burdened with numerous duties and the central government's increasing emphasis on nuclear weapons research and development, no longer had the energy to properly handle the daily work of the General Armament Department. Han Wei was appointed Second Deputy Minister of the General Armament Department, and Feng Yongshun was appointed Third Deputy Minister.

Huang Xinting, former commander of the 1st Army of the 1st Corps of the 1st Field Army, who had just graduated from the Political Department and Campaign Department of the PLA Military Academy, re-entered Xinjiang and served as deputy commander of the Xinjiang Military Region and commander of the Xinjiang Production and Construction Corps.

Then there was the matter of separation of the military and the government.

Currently, many political commissars of major military regions are concurrently appointed by the provincial Party secretaries of key provinces. This arrangement was adopted in the early years of the People's Republic of China because local affairs and the military required close coordination. Land reform, bandit suppression, counter-revolutionary measures, and agricultural reclamation all required military support. Therefore, it was common for top local leaders to concurrently serve as political commissars of military regions.

However, after the founding of the People's Republic of China in 1989, various rules and regulations began to be improved, and the central government could not allow the existence of cadres who integrated military and political power at the local level, because the top military and political leaders were actually local lords.

It is impossible for the central government to allow such cadres to exist.

Therefore, the central government no longer allowed local leaders to serve as political commissars of major military regions.

First, the Chengdu Military Region. The current political commissar of the Chengdu Military Region is Li Jingquan, who is also the Secretary of the Sichuan Provincial Party Committee. The Central Military Commission has decided to remove Li Jingquan as the political commissar of the Chengdu Military Region and transfer Gan Weihan, deputy director of the General Political Department, to serve as the political commissar of the Chengdu Military Region.

Then there was the Guangzhou Military Region. After Luo Qirong was transferred to the central government, Tao Zhu, the new secretary of the Guangdong Provincial Party Committee, was no longer the second political commissar of the Guangzhou Military Region. Lai Chuanzhu became the sole political commissar of the Guangzhou Military Region.

Shu Tong, Secretary of the Shanghai Municipal Party Committee, is no longer the political commissar of the Nanjing Military Region. Tang Liang, formerly the deputy political commissar of the Nanjing Military Region, is now the political commissar, and Zhong Qiangguang is the first deputy political commissar.

In the Fuzhou Military Region, Fujian Provincial Party Secretary Liu Shude no longer serves as the political commissar of the Fuzhou Military Region, and Li Tianhao has been appointed as the political commissar of the Fuzhou Military Region. In the Jinan Military Region, Shandong Provincial Party Secretary Tan Qilong no longer serves as the political commissar of the military region, and Wang Xinting has been appointed as the political commissar of the Jinan Military Region, working alongside Jinan Military Region Commander Ling Yechen.

Finally, there is the Kunming Military Region.

After former Kunming Military Region Commander Chen Geng left Yunnan, Xie Fuzhi, the First Secretary of the Yunnan Provincial Party Committee, took charge of the Kunming Military Region. He not only served as acting commander of the Kunming Military Region but also as its political commissar. In Yunnan, Xie Fuzhi was the top leader of the Party, government, and military.

Xie Fuzhi completely left the Kunming Military Region, remaining solely as Secretary of the Yunnan Provincial Party Committee. The Military Commission selected Chen Xilian, then Commander of the Artillery Corps and Deputy Director of the General Armaments Department, to move south to Kunming and serve as Commander of the Kunming Military Region. Yan Hongyan, Deputy Political Commissar of the Chengdu Military Region, was transferred to serve as Political Commissar of the Kunming Military Region.

Overall, the level of local military regions has been declining.

Since the early days of the founding of the People's Republic of China, the commanders and political commissars of major military regions were generally cadres of the rank of general or above. However, with the adjustments in recent years, there are few commanders and political commissars of the rank of general in major military regions.

However, after all, the commanders and political commissars of major military regions cannot be too low in rank. Except for some special regions, most commanders and political commissars are at least at the rank of general.

That’s why Chen Xilian and Yan Hongyan were appointed.

After Chen Xilian went south to Yunnan, the Military Commission appointed Comrade Qiu Chuangcheng, the former deputy commander of the artillery force, as the new artillery commander, and transferred Comrade Li Yong, the artillery commander of the Wuhan Military Region who had just graduated from the artillery department of the PLA Military Academy, as the first deputy commander of the artillery force, Comrade Zhao Zhangcheng, the artillery commander of the Chengdu Military Region, as the second deputy commander, and Comrade Gao Cunxin, the artillery commander of the Fuzhou Military Region, as the third deputy commander.

Artillery is a specialized branch of the military, and many PLA artillery officers rely on experience to lead operations. Therefore, the PLA currently has a significant demand for artillery officers. The PLA Artillery Academy was established in Huailai County, drawing on the artillery departments of the Nanjing PLA Military Academy and the North China Military Academy. This is because the North China Military Region previously established many schools in Huailai, including the North China Military and Political University and the North China University of Technology.

Although some schools have moved to Beijing, Baoding, and Shijiazhuang, many schools remain in Huailai. Because Huailai has a strong foundation, the Artillery Academy was established in Huailai County.

Gao Cunxin, the third deputy commander of the artillery force, serves as the president of the Artillery Academy, Jia Tao, the chief of staff of the artillery, serves as the vice president of the Artillery Academy, and Liu Chun, the deputy political commissar of the Nanjing Military Region Artillery, serves as the political commissar of the Artillery Academy.

After the political commissars of the major military regions were adjusted, the next issue was the staffing of military and political cadres for the specialized arms. Although the CMC did not promote the "single-leader system" in the military at an early CMC meeting due to opposition from Yang Quanwu and later resistance from General Luo and Tan Zheng, the CMC did not do so.

But that doesn’t mean the Chinese military has not been affected.

Especially many non-army branches of the military.

The People's Liberation Army's army was established in rural areas and has always had a dual military and political leadership system. Therefore, the force opposing the "one-leader system" is relatively strong, and the strength of the political cadres is also strong.

But after the founding of New China, the special military forces developed were different.

Because those special military branches were basically established with the help of Soviet experts. Including the formation and training of troops, and the weapons used by the troops all came from the Soviet Union. Therefore, they were deeply influenced by the Soviet Union.

Therefore, these non-army forces were established as a compromise.

Either only the commander was appointed, leaving the political commissar vacant, with the commander assisted only by the deputy political commissar who also served as the director of the political department. Or the commander directly served as the political commissar, creating a de facto "one-man leadership system." However, after the Ninth National Congress, this situation was further criticized.

The 20th Congress of the CPSU, Khrushchev's "Secret Speech," and the emergence of Eastern European problems all made the Party wary of the "one-man leadership" system in the military and the military's rejection of Party leadership. Consequently, calls for strengthening the Party's leadership over the military grew louder.

In other words, the Central Committee requires the CMC to fully staff these non-army branches with political cadres. Like the army, these special services must also have a dual military and political leadership system, with Party committees leading the way.

After discussion at this Military Commission meeting, it was decided that Comrade Wu Faxian, former deputy political commissar and director of the political department of the Air Force, would serve as the political commissar of the Air Force; Comrade Tang Tianji, former deputy political commissar and director of the political department of the 14th Corps of the Fourth Field Army and political commissar of the Hubei Military Region, would serve as the political commissar of the Navy; Comrade Long Daoquan, former first deputy political commissar of the Beijing Military Region, would be the political commissar of the Armored Forces; Comrade Xiang Zhonghua, former first deputy political commissar of the Wuhan Military Region, would be the political commissar of the Engineering Corps; and Comrade Wang Zonghuai, former secretary-general of the General Political Department, would be the political commissar of the Artillery.

Other arms must also be adjusted accordingly.

After Wang Zhen left the Railway Corps, it was necessary to select a new commander and political commissar for the unit. Historically, the Railway Corps had about 100,000 men at that time.

But this time and space is different.

因为财政收入相比起历史上有了明显的增长。历史上1957年的国家和地方财政总收入第一次超过了300亿,但这个时空1954年的国家和地方财政总收入就超过了400亿元。而且随着一五计划的很多工厂开始生产,南北两地贸易都在快速增长,所以财政总收入增长速度非常明显。1956年的时候国家和地方财政总收入已经达到了600亿元。

Of course, China's current fiscal revenue accounts for a high proportion of its GDP, between 35% and 40%. This is mainly because China's current GDP calculation method ignores much of the tertiary industry and focuses primarily on industrial and agricultural data.

It can also be seen from the side that China is still in a state of "high accumulation".

With more money, you can invest more.

With so many factories built and so many products produced, the demand for transportation is huge.

Especially railways.

As a result, the size of the Railway Corps has been expanding in recent years. There are 14 Railway Corps divisions alone, three independent regiments of technical arms, as well as several Railway Corps schools, cultural crash courses, technical colleges, etc. The total number of Railway Corps personnel exceeds 20.

This is no longer a small-scale military force.

In order to regularize the Railway Corps, the troops began to establish several headquarters. Each headquarters covered several provinces and was responsible for railway construction tasks within its own area, rather than the previous practice of carrying out construction across multiple regions.

When Wang Zhen was in office, the Railway Corps had already built three command centers.

After discussion, the Central Military Commission appointed Li Xinxi, former deputy commander of the Shenyang Military Region, as the new commander of the Railway Corps, and Cui Tianmin, former deputy political commissar of the Railway Corps, as the political commissar of the Railway Corps.

After adjusting the railway corps, the Central Military Commission decided to add infrastructure engineering corps to the engineering corps.

While the current engineering corps does some infrastructure work, it's still a military unit, primarily serving a military purpose, and its involvement is primarily in military projects. For example, the engineering corps handles everything needed for nuclear weapons research. But right now, national development is where the most people are needed.

Although each province in the country has established its own construction company.

However, they are not as well-organized or professional as the Engineering Corps. Therefore, the Central Military Commission's decision to establish the Infrastructure Engineering Corps was not solely the Commission's decision; it was based on the fact that national development requires such a professional team that can endure hardships and can get things done.

Therefore, the newly established infrastructure engineering corps is under the dual leadership of the State Council and the Central Military Commission.

The most confident in this regard is the North China Infrastructure Engineering Corps.

Before the Liberation War was completely over, Wei Hongjun established the Infrastructure Engineering Corps in North China. Later, the North China Infrastructure Engineering Corps participated in the industrial construction of Baotou, Baoding, Wuhan, and the Bao'an Special District from north to south.

Even the expansion work in Beijing involved the North China Infrastructure Engineering Corps.

Therefore, the Capital Construction Engineering Corps was established. Ma Changgeng, formerly Commander of the North China Military Region's Capital Construction Engineering Corps and currently Vice Minister of the State Council's Ministry of Construction, was appointed Commander of the Corps. Lai Jifa, formerly Vice Minister of the North China Enterprise Department, General Manager of Baotou Iron and Steel Construction, and Commander-in-Chief of Baotou's Industrial Construction, was transferred to serve as Political Commissar of the newly established Capital Construction Corps.

The implementation of these personnel appointments is not an easy task.

It took more than ten days.

Everyone had their own picks, some of which were rejected outright, while others required a final vote. The Premier, who presided over the meeting, and General Peng Dehuai, General He, and General Luo, who presided over the Central Military Commission, also had to consider the balance.

Just like the Kunming Military Region, the Military Commission cannot arrange cadres at will.

Considering that this was the military region where the Second Field Army was established, and also considering the attitude of Xie Fuzhi, the Secretary of the Yunnan Provincial Party Committee, the Military Commission sent Chen Xilian, a member of the Second Field Army and a familiar figure to Xie Fuzhi, to be the commander of the Kunming Military Region.

Including the deployment of cadres from the Xinjiang Production and Construction Corps.

Logically speaking, since the Xinjiang Production and Construction Corps is under the Ministry of Agriculture and Reclamation, the Ministry's opinion should be very important. However, the Military Commission considered not only the Ministry's opinion, but also the former First Field Army.

So the final choice was Huang Xinting, who was once a general of the First Field Army.

While the Military Commission meeting was ongoing, Wei Hongjun had already taken time to start organizing the Science Working Committee. Wei Hongjun had a lot of work to do, so it was impossible for him to focus solely on the Science Working Committee for a long time.

Therefore, Wei Hongjun first had to find cadres who could handle the daily work of the Scientific Work Committee.

Wei Hongjun first finalized the list of members of the Scientific Working Committee. Wei Hongjun served as director and Party Secretary, Yang Quanwu and Bo Shuchun served as deputy directors and deputy Party Secretaries, and Zhao Lu, Zhang Jinfu, Li Siguang, Yang Xiufeng, Li Shiping, Fan Changjiang, Qian Sanqiang, Qian Xuesen, Liu Jie, and Wu Heng served as members.

The Science Work Committee is a committee directly under the Politburo, but it is not exactly the same as the Party Committee department.

If it's a Party committee department, then the cadres from top to bottom must all be Party members. You can't say that a cadre in the Organization Department, which is directly led by the Party Central Committee, is not a Party member.

Therefore, the positions of secretary and deputy secretary must be Party members, as these are positions within the Party group of the Science Working Committee. However, there are no such restrictions on committee members, as the committee is not a Party committee or a Party committee department. Wei Hongjun's position on the Science Working Committee is director.

After Wei Hongjun convened a meeting of the Party Leadership Group of the Science Working Committee, he made some personnel adjustments. This list of adjustments was approved by the Secretariat and the Political Bureau Standing Committee. Following the Central Committee's approval, Wei Hongjun convened a meeting of the Science Working Committee and appointed Wu Heng, Deputy Secretary-General of the Party Leadership Group of the Chinese Academy of Sciences and Deputy Secretary-General of the State Council's Science Planning Commission, as Assistant Director to help him process the massive amount of documents.

Wu Heng was one year older than Wei Hongjun. He had been a Party member since 1936, a twenty-year membership. Furthermore, having graduated from the Department of Earth Sciences at Tsinghua University, he had long been a key Party cadre in industry and science. Wei Hongjun needed someone with scientific and management skills to help him with his work.

Then, Li Shiping, Deputy Secretary-General of the State Council, was appointed Secretary-General and Director of the General Office of the Science Working Committee, with full authority to handle the daily work of the Science Working Committee. Wei Hongjun still had great confidence in Li Shiping's work ability.

Of course, more importantly, Li Shiping himself was a middle school teacher, so he had a deep respect for senior intellectuals. This respect extended not only to their scholarship but also to their work ethic. The Science Working Committee was undoubtedly a gathering of the nation's top intellectuals. If they needed a cadre who could interact with them, Li Shiping would be a perfect fit.

The Science Working Committee oversees the Commission of Science, Technology and Industry for National Defense and the State Science and Technology Commission. Within this framework, Wei Hongjun established the Science Planning Committee. The State Council had already established a Science Planning Committee, which had developed the famous "12-Year Science Plan." However, now that Wei Hongjun was in charge of the Science Working Committee, this "12-Year Science Plan" could be more than just a plan. Wei Hongjun attached great importance to this department, so he didn't merge it into the State Science and Technology Commission, but instead established it as an independent specialized committee under the Science Working Committee.

Wei Hongjun appointed Zhang Jinfu as director of the Science Planning Committee, with Yang Xiufeng, Qian Sanqiang, Li Siguang, and Qian Xuesen as deputy directors. Wei Hongjun first met Zhang Jinfu when he was transferred from East China to the central government as deputy minister of the Ministry of Industry. The two had numerous working encounters, and Zhang Jinfu was known for his exceptional ability to grasp policy and handle tasks flexibly. Later, he was transferred to the Chinese Academy of Sciences as Party Secretary and Vice President, assisting Li Siguang in the Academy's work.

That's why Wei Hongjun recommended Zhang Jinfu to be the director of the Science Planning Committee.

Yang Xiufeng is currently China's top education leader, and the others are among China's top scientists. For Wei Hongjun, Qian Sanqiang, Li Siguang, and Qian Xuesen are all renowned scientists.

But no matter how outstanding each of them is, their contribution to national science and technology will always be limited.

What Wei Hongjun needs is for them to take the lead, help China formulate a development plan for science, help China cultivate more scientific talent, and guide the direction of China's scientific development. Only in this way can they help China to the greatest extent possible.

While improving the structure of the Scientific Working Committee, Wei Hongjun, Yang Quanwu, Zhao Lu and others discussed the issue of atomic bomb development.

"It's not that I don't give you face, but I really can't agree to this. The atomic bomb project is too important to be sloppy in the slightest."

1005 Everything for the Atomic Bomb

"You have to consider the importance of the atomic bomb project, and also your own situation. I know you want to help Old Huang, but not in this way."

Wei Hongjun shook his head in firm opposition.

It has been almost ten years since the Huangfa incident.

When he was awarded the rank, he was a deputy corps-level lieutenant general, which gave General Luo a headache. However, because of that incident, he had been either studying at the military academy or teaching case studies there. After all, he was once a top-notch general in the Jin-Cha-Ji region, having fought many brilliant battles.

If it weren't for the accident, he would have been the commander of a major military region.

Huang Fa graduated from the Campaign Department of the Nanjing Military Academy in late 1956. His fellow graduates were all given placements after graduation and welcomed back from their former units. Only Huang Fa graduated, but months later, no unit was willing to accept him.

The truth is, Huang Fa had a lot of experience and contributions, but more importantly, he had a bad temper, which ordinary cadres couldn't accept. In addition, Huang Fa was a disciplined cadre, so no unit wanted to accept such a man who had made mistakes.

Yang Quanwu is nostalgic.

The two have known each other for almost thirty years, and they were the most tacit partners during the war years.

Seeing Huang Fa, not even fifty, already idle and with no employer willing to take him on, Yang Quanwu felt a sense of unease. So he wanted him to help out at the Commission of Science, Technology and Industry for National Defense. The Commission had a wide range of projects, requiring not only engineering corps to build them but also security forces to ensure the safety of the research projects.

There are still many positions where Huangfa can play.

Yang Quanwu meant to give Huang Fa a position as an army commander or division commander and do the security work for the Commission of Science, Technology and Industry for National Defense.

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