Rebirth: I am in Jin-Cha-Ji

"I've learned about his current situation, and his flaws haven't changed. In such a wonderful environment at the military academy, he should have settled down and studied hard. But compared to other cadres, he's not very active in learning, constantly immersed in his past battlefield glory. Look at the cadres we've sent out from North China; every one of them studies desperately, fearing they'll be eliminated in this revolutionary era."

"Besides, Old Huang has always had a bad relationship with scholars. The main force at the Commission of Science, Technology and Industry for National Defense is composed of scholars, and Old Huang's temper will easily clash with them. This will affect the atmosphere within the Commission of Science, Technology and Industry for National Defense, and will also affect your work. Then people will say that you are shielding people and that you are appointing people based on personal connections at the Commission. If this happens, it will affect important projects at the Commission of Science, Technology and Industry for National Defense."

The development of the times will never stop and wait for someone.

The ninth anniversary of the founding of the People's Republic of China is approaching. The Party's requirements for cadres in China today are completely different from those in the Republican era, from those in wartime to those in peacetime.

Huang Fa was indeed a hero of the war years and a military cadre highly regarded by the Party.

But if you don't learn, you will fall behind the times and gradually become a cadre no longer needed by the Party. Huang Fa didn't learn, didn't adapt to China's era of peace and construction, and so he was eliminated. Everything he did was stuck in the war years.

Yang Quanwu wanted to help his old subordinates, but Wei Hongjun would never agree.

There was nothing to gain from Huang Fa working for the Commission of Science, Technology and Industry for National Defense. He had a strong personality and did not get along well with intellectuals, even being hostile to them. During the Jin-Cha-Ji War, he looked down on the students. It was only because Huang Fa was a good fighter that this flaw could be overlooked. But not now.

Moreover, Huang Fa's going to the Commission of Science, Technology and Industry for National Defense will affect Yang Quanwu.

Despite his bad temper, Yang Quanwu had a very good reputation within the Commission of Science, Technology and Industry for National Defense. Many senior intellectuals greatly admired him and were willing to work with him. The Commission of Science, Technology and Industry for National Defense needed cadres like him. If Huang Fa got involved in this, who knows how many people would report Yang Quanwu.

There are currently a large number of cadres in the Military Commission who dislike Yang Quanwu.

"We can't just leave him idle like this. We should at least give him a job. He has many problems, but he's a real fighter. Even though he's not well-educated, he has an unparalleled talent for gathering battlefield intelligence, analyzing it, and planning tactics."

Yang Quanwu also sighed.

It’s not that Yang Quanwu has no way to find a place for Huang Fa.

Not to mention others, the commander of the Beijing Military Region, Tang Jie, and the political commissar, Li Zhimin; the commander of the Fuzhou Military Region, Zhang Zihua, and the political commissar, Li Tianhao; the commander of the Wuhan Military Region, Wang Qiuyun, and the political commissar, Luo Renfa; and the commander of the Guangzhou Military Region, Chen Kaikun, are all old comrades and subordinates of Yang Quanwu. Their relationship can be traced back to the Red Army period.

If Yang Quanwu asked, it would not be impossible for these military regions to accept Huang Fa.

But Yang Quanwu himself rejected many of these ideas. He knew Huang Fa's character. If he were to serve in a local military district, he might not even take the commanders and political commissars of the larger districts seriously. After all, Huang Fa had extensive experience and contributions, and those commanders and political commissars had been lower-ranking than him during the war, some even being his former subordinates. If Huang Fa were to act arrogantly in the military district, it would be a bad look.

So Yang Quanwu wanted to keep him under his own watch.

But it was obvious that Wei Hongjun disagreed.

Wei Hongjun thought for a while and then said, "Comrade Su Yu once mentioned to me that he wanted to set up a strategic and tactical research room within the General Staff Headquarters to discuss how to attack Taiwan and develop a detailed battle plan. This could be used later when the attack on Taiwan actually occurs. I wonder if he could be assigned to this research room."

"I think this is a good idea."

Zhao Lu supported him from the side.

Zhao Lu was also troubled by Huang Fa's situation. Yang Quanwu wanted to assign him to the Commission of Science, Technology and Industry for National Defense, but Zhao Lu couldn't object directly. After all, they were all old comrades, and direct opposition would seem heartless and disloyal.

But Huang Fa is really not suitable for the Commission of Science, Technology and Industry for National Defense.

Fortunately, Wei Hongjun also opposed it.

And also gave a place to go.

Yang Quanwu nodded slowly and said, "This is also a solution."

Seeing Yang Quanwu accept, Wei Hongjun was relieved. Speaking of personal relationships, Wei Hongjun was definitely not as close as Yang Quanwu and Huang Fa. Wei Hongjun did not want these personal matters to affect the relationship between the two.

There will be many opportunities for the two of them to cooperate in the future, and this incident should not affect their relationship.

Wei Hongjun then turned back to work, saying, "I've read the assessment report from the expert team from the Ministry of Nuclear Industry. But there are a few issues I'd like to confirm privately."

China's atomic bomb program had actually been underway for several years. In 1951, Yang Quanwu officially took charge of the Nuclear Industry Commission. His primary responsibility at the time was to recruit and train talented individuals and conduct theoretical research. With the resources Yang Quanwu mobilized, the Nuclear Industry Commission quickly embarked on a path of rapid development.

Beginning with uranium exploration and mining, the establishment of nuclear industry colleges and universities, and theoretical research were all put on the agenda. Yang Quanwu seized this opportunity to cultivate a large number of theoretical talents. Qian Sanqiang's theoretical research group alone expanded to over 170 members within two years. The number of members in other theoretical research groups also grew rapidly.

In July 1954, the central government officially launched the atomic bomb project.

The atomic bomb project had been officially underway for nearly three years, so Yang Quanwu assigned several officials from the Ministry of Nuclear Industry to serve as an expert team to comprehensively review the entire process of the project.

The expert team at that time was led by three deputy ministers of the Ministry of Nuclear Industry: Han Wei, Liu Jie and Qian Sanqiang.

Their mission is simple.

This involved reviewing every aspect of the atomic bomb project to determine the current progress of each unit. After thoroughly examining every detail, the expert team compiled a report, which became confidential internal information within the Ministry of Nuclear Industry. Wei Hongjun, currently in charge of the Commission of Science, Technology and Industry for National Defense, received the expert team's assessment report. It contained many specialized questions that Wei Hongjun was unable to understand.

Although Wei Hongjun didn't understand the specific technical questions, Wu Heng's explanation gave him a general understanding. The Ministry of Nuclear Industry was saying that China's atomic bomb project no longer faced many theoretical challenges. The current difficulties lay primarily in the engineering field.

In other words, China's atomic bomb project has made breakthrough progress in scientific research, and now it is the engineering field that is lagging behind.

If that's the case then it would be much easier.

But Wei Hongjun still wanted to get the ball rolling, so he first confirmed with Yang Quanwu and Zhao Lu. Once he had a firm grasp on the situation, he would convene an expanded meeting of the Ministry of Nuclear Industry.

"The report states that the atomic bomb project has essentially passed the scientific research phase. Is this an exaggeration?"

"Can this matter be exaggerated?"

Yang Quanwu shook his head.

He said, "This isn't some fancy report the Ministry of Nuclear Industry forced out of us. It was verified and confirmed by a team of experts including Qian Sanqiang, Zhu Guangya, Wang Ganchang, and Zhou Guangzhao, and then compared with some data provided by the Soviet Union. We've already overcome most of the difficulties in the theory of the atomic bomb. Overall, there's not much theoretical resistance to my country's atomic bomb development now."

“What about engineering?”

“This is very problematic.”

Zhao Lu, standing next to him, said, "Not only are there many technical difficulties in this project, but it also requires the mobilization of numerous resources and the cooperation of several ministries under the State Council. However, our Ministry of Nuclear Industry lacks the necessary authority in this regard."

"What are the specific difficulties?"

"Let me give you a few examples. Currently, my country's atomic bomb project faces two urgent technical challenges: the development of highly enriched uranium, and the development of the lubricant for the atomic bomb itself. To address these technical challenges, we need the cooperation of research institutes from other ministries and commissions. For example, for the lubricant, we need the cooperation of the best organic chemistry research institutes in the country. Furthermore, the atomic bomb project requires over 100,000 units of steel, stainless steel, and non-standard equipment. These resources are beyond the reach of the Ministry of Nuclear Industry, and we require the support of the State Council."

As Zhao Lu spoke, he took out a list from his bag.

These are all problems that need to be solved in the atomic bomb project.

These are basically engineering problems.

Wei Hongjun took a closer look and asked, "Have you calculated how much money is needed to solve these problems in a short period of time?"

"2.7 million yuan."

Yang Quanwu said, "Many of these issues can actually be resolved quickly, but the department responsible isn't within our Commission of Science, Technology and Industry for National Defense. As long as funding is in place and other ministries cooperate, many of these problems can be solved smoothly within a few months. Even a few technically difficult ones can be tackled in about a year if we increase investment."

Wei Hongjun listened and analyzed carefully.

After a while, he said, "If the funds are in place and coordination among the various ministries is in place, can the atomic bomb project be completed in 1960?"

Yang Quanwu and Zhao Lu immediately became excited when they heard Wei Hongjun's words.

Whether it was the previous Nuclear Industry Commission, the current Ministry of Nuclear Industry, or even the Commission of Science, Technology and Industry for National Defense, while powerful, the resources they could mobilize were certainly far less than Wei Hongjun's. So Yang Quanwu said, "Two years. As long as the other departments are willing to cooperate with us, then give the Ministry of Nuclear Industry two years, and I can make it explode in China."

Wei Hongjun didn't expect Yang Quanwu to be so confident.

Yang Quanwu wasn't the type of official to boast. It seemed that China's atomic bomb program was proceeding very smoothly. For China, the sooner the atomic bomb exploded, the better.

Whether it is the Sino-Soviet relations within the socialist camp or the relations with imperialist Europe and the United States, there will be great changes.

China with atomic bombs and China without atomic bombs have completely different weight in the world.

"I will convene a special meeting on Project 723. All key officials and researchers involved in the atomic bomb project must attend. I will notify Comrade Bo Shuchun and Comrade Zhang Jinfu to attend the meeting. We will then draft a report on the atomic bomb project and submit it to the Politburo. The atomic bomb project has reached its final stages, and we need to mobilize all forces for cooperation."

Wei Hongjun does what he says.

A special expanded meeting on the "723 Project" was immediately convened.

The key researchers involved in the atomic bomb project expressed their opinions. Wei Hongjun listened carefully to their reports. Sure enough, their opinions were identical to those reported by the Ministry of Nuclear Industry. China had achieved a substantial breakthrough in atomic bomb research. In other words, in theory, China already possessed the capability to manufacture an atomic bomb.

What is lagging behind now is engineering capabilities.

The project is lagging behind, and that is a problem of resources.

After summarizing everyone's opinions, Wei Hongjun asked the Ministry of Nuclear Industry to draft a "Basic Situation Report on Atomic Energy Industry Construction", a "Report on Several Issues Urgently Needing to be Resolved in the Atomic Bomb Project" and an "Atomic Bomb Project Plan Report".

After Wei Hongjun compiled these reports from the Ministry of Nuclear Industry, he submitted them to the Chairman. After reading the reports, the Chairman immediately convened a meeting of the Politburo Standing Committee, as the atomic bomb was a major issue.

Yang Quanwu attended the Standing Committee meeting and reported the situation of the atomic bomb to the Politburo Standing Committee face to face.

After reporting on the current status of the atomic bomb, Yang Quanwu suggested that the central government establish a special committee to oversee its development. This was because atomic bomb development was no longer solely a military undertaking; it required the cooperation and support of key State Council ministries and local governments. This was not something the Ministry of Nuclear Industry could handle on its own; a higher level of authority was needed.

Therefore, a special committee must be established to mobilize national resources.

Wei Hongjun also proposed that the Central Committee and the State Council coordinate a nationwide, large-scale effort to complete the development of the atomic bomb. Wei Hongjun stated that the key to atomic bomb development was not technology or funding, but determination, organization, and collaboration.

"What do you think, comrades?"

Chairman Mao had not anticipated such remarkable progress in atomic bomb development. Yang Quanwu even reported that the test explosion would occur in 1959 or 1960, two or three years earlier than the original eight years of development and 1962 test explosion.

The Chairman supports going all out to develop the atomic bomb, but he still needs to listen to the opinions of other Standing Committee members.

"I agree with the suggestions of Comrade Wei Hongjun and the Ministry of Nuclear Industry."

Comrade Xiuyang said, "We must develop the atomic bomb, and we must work hard on it. Now that our country has made sufficient progress and has a solid foundation in atomic bomb research, it would be great if we could detonate it in 1959. If our efforts still fail, 1960 is also acceptable. But not working hard would be wrong."

Comrade Xiuyang supports the atomic bomb project.

Historically, from around 1959 to 1962, some leaders in charge of the economy opposed the development of the atomic bomb and demanded that it be scrapped. But that was because China's economy was in a bad state at the time.

The country's financial situation is pretty good now, so Comrade Xiuyang directly expressed his support.

"I also believe that now is the time to increase investment and complete the development of the atomic bomb as soon as possible. Only when we possess the atomic bomb can we achieve the 'peace' we desired at the Ninth National Congress."

Coach Nie also expressed his support.

Chen Yun and Deng Xixian, who were in charge of the economy, did not object.

The Chairman began, "Comrades, your opinions are excellent. We must develop the atomic bomb. Now that the foundation has been laid, all that remains is to sound the charge. We must not lose heart and must make a concerted effort to develop our own atomic bomb."

"I agree with the establishment of a special committee to oversee the atomic bomb project. My suggestion is that Comrade Wu Hao be appointed chairman of this Central Special Committee."

The Chairman finally chose the Prime Minister among several Standing Committee members.

Because this central special committee's work requires coordination.

At the current central level, the person with sufficient prestige and coordination skills is the Prime Minister. Furthermore, the Prime Minister is energetic and can spot even the smallest issues, making him the most suitable person to handle this kind of work.

During the construction of the Panzhihua Iron and Steel Base, the Premier personally oversaw the project. He considered matters that even frontline leaders hadn't considered. This was the Premier's habit of handling matters.

Everyone agreed that the Premier would chair this special Central Committee committee. Wei Hongjun, Deng Xixian, and General He would serve as vice chairmen, representing the Science Working Committee, the State Council, and the Military Commission, respectively.

Then there are the members of the Standing Committee.

They are Li Fuchun, Li Xiannian, Deng He, Li Xuefeng, Bo Shuchun, Yang Quanwu, and Huang Kecheng, representing the State Council's industrial, planning, and energy departments, as well as the propaganda department, the National Science and Technology Commission, and the National Defense Science and Technology Commission. Huang Kecheng is the Secretary-General of the Central Military Commission.

Below are the leaders in charge of various important ministries.

In addition to Zhao Lu, deputy director of the Commission of Science, Technology and Industry for National Defense, and Zhang Jinfu, deputy director of the State Science and Technology Commission, ministers from specific ministries and commissions such as the Ministry of Metallurgical Industry, the Ministry of Aviation Industry, the Ministry of Machinery Industry, and the Ministry of Chemical Industry also joined the special committee.

After the Politburo Standing Committee meeting ended, the Premier immediately convened the first meeting of the Central Special Committee.

1006 National Power