Rebirth: I am in Jin-Cha-Ji

Wei Hongjun wants to set rules one by one.

Yang Yongfu nodded.

But after thinking for a moment, he said, "What if those students can't endure hardship? Although I've never done disaster relief work, I know it's tedious and requires visiting many rural areas. Can those delicate students keep up? Secretary Wei, I'm not as patient and easygoing as you."

Although Yang Yongfu is the Chairman’s eldest son.

But he wasn't spoiled at all. He'd been wandering around Shanghai since he was about ten, attended a military academy in the Soviet Union, and worked in the countryside and factories after returning to China. So he could endure hardship, but he knew those students couldn't.

Each one of them is so delicate.

Disaster relief efforts require going to many rural areas, where they probably don’t even have the facilities to use the toilet.

"We don't force others to follow our revolution. If they can keep up, they will become revolutionaries. If they can't keep up and fall behind, there's nothing we can do about it. I give them a chance, but it's just one chance. Whether they can seize it is up to them. Of course, you have to help them appropriately during this process, but that's all."

Wei Hongjun is not a nanny.

After giving them a chance, what they choose in the future is their business.

"How about this job? Do you want to accept it?"

"Secretary Wei, can I refuse?"

"No."

Hearing Wei Hongjun's words, Yang Yongfu said unhappily, "Then why are you asking me?"

"This is the procedure."

Wei Hongjun smiled.

Then he said, "Comrade Yang Yongfu, the Organization Department will discuss the specific appointment with you. I hope you can successfully complete this disaster relief mission, post-disaster reconstruction, and the work of these students. Do you know what is most contagious? It is practicing what you preach. During disaster relief and post-disaster reconstruction, you must practice what you preach. You must be the first to take on the difficult tasks, and don't put on airs. You must show those students how we Communist Party cadres do things."

"Yes."

After Yang Yongfu left, Zhao Han said, "Secretary Wei, due to Comrade Yang Yongfu's status, the Organization Department is still undecided about his rank. A cadre of around Yang Yongfu's age, having studied in the Soviet Union and having worked for a decade or so, is at least an administrative-level 13th-level cadre. Comrade Yang Yongfu also participated in the War to Resist U.S. Aggression and Aid Korea and performed very well in the expansion of the Beijing No. 1 Machine Tool Plant. Yet, he still receives the lowest rank among his group of cadres."

Wei Hongjun also nodded.

The Organization Department was very troubled by Yang Yongfu's situation.

If he is promoted too quickly, he will be ridiculed and flattered. However, suppressing his promotion will affect the ranks of other cadres working with him. Yang Yongfu is now 35 years old, but currently serves as an administrative level 13 cadre.

Compared with ordinary cadres, the level is not low.

But compared to Yang Yongfu's own qualifications, it's quite low. Yang Yongfu had returned from studying in the Soviet Union and already possessed considerable revolutionary credentials, having led a Party group at a military academy, a high-ranking cadre. Furthermore, cadres returning from the Soviet Union in those days were often given ranks or even promoted. Because New China lacked intellectuals, those who had studied there were even more talented. When Yang Yongfu accompanied Wei Hongjun to Korea in 1950, he was a regimental-level cadre, his rank already suppressed by the Chairman. Yet, six or seven years later, he's only been promoted half a rank.

It doesn't make sense.

Not to mention anything else, just accompanying Wei Hongjun to North Korea would have given him a two-level promotion, not to mention that another six or seven years had passed.

Wei Hongjun said, "Based on the current level of the Beijing No. 1 Machine Tool Factory, he, as the Party Secretary, should be at the twelfth administrative level. Please go and discuss this issue with Comrade Chen Tanqiu on my behalf. We can't promote people above their level, but we can't suppress others either."

"Yes."

Disaster relief work cannot be delayed.

On the afternoon of the same day Wei Hongjun spoke with Yang Yongfu, the Organization Department sent someone to talk with him. Yang Yongfu was transferred to the Ministry of Internal Affairs as Director of the Rural Relief Department to participate in the Henan flood relief work.

All the students who were in trouble this time were packed up and joined the rescue team.

After dealing with these matters, Xia Houwen also handed over his work in the Shenyang Military Region and came to Beijing. After some discussion, the Military Commission finally decided to appoint Comrade Zhu Liangcai, Deputy Director of the General Political Department, to go to Northeast China as the political commissar of the Shenyang Military Region.

Zhu Liang is the one with real experience.

He and Tan Zheng were the first secretaries of the Chairman and the Commander-in-Chief during the Jinggangshan period, and were highly valued cadres by the Chairman and the Commander-in-Chief. During the Korean War, Zhu Liangcai was the Deputy Political Commissar of the Volunteer Army. After Wei Hongjun returned to China, Deng Guo and Zhu Liangcai were the two responsible for the work of the Volunteer Army.

"Are you cursing me in your heart when you ask you to take charge of petition work from the political commissar of a major military region?"

"Secretary Wei, now you are scolding me."

Xiahou Wen waved his hand.

"Don't you know me yet? I've read the letter you sent me, and I understand the importance of petition work. This isn't just true in the local areas; the military is experiencing the same situation. With the advancement of military modernization in recent years, the combat effectiveness of the troops has improved. However, the relationship between military cadres and soldiers isn't as good as it used to be; there always seems to be a sense of distance. I think this is true across the military, and the situation in the local areas is even more serious."

"It seems the Chairman's judgment of people is as good as ever."

Wei Hongjun said seriously, "Come and take a look at this. These are my views on petition handling and public reception. I hope that petition handling and public reception work will not be superficial, but will truly address the people's problems. This will strengthen the relationship between the Party and government and the people, and ensure that the Party's mass line can truly be implemented."

Xia Houwen took the document.

After Xiahou Wen received Wei Hongjun's letter, he was busy handing over his work while also thinking a lot.

Think about how to carry out petition work.

Now that I've read what Wei Hongjun has written, many things that were still confusing to me have suddenly become clear. Although Wei Hongjun hasn't made a detailed plan, the general outline and direction are already in place.

Xiahou Wen was originally a very capable cadre.

Looking at the document, Wei Hongjun quickly thought about how to proceed. Wei Hongjun remained silent, watching Xia Houwen ponder. After a while, Xia Houwen finally put down the document.

Looking at Wei Hongjun, he said, "Secretary Wei, it's a pleasure to work with you in the revolution."

"Stop flattering."

"real."

Xiahou Wen really believed in Wei Hongjun.

Before the Anti-Japanese War, everyone's rank was similar, including Wang Qiuyun, Zhang Zihua, and Xia Houwen. But who could have imagined that Wei Hongjun would soar to his current position?

If it were someone else, Xia Houwen would definitely have felt resentful and unconvinced. But for Wei Hongjun, Xia Houwen truly had no jealousy at all. This was because Xia Houwen truly admired Wei Hongjun. Since the beginning of the Anti-Japanese War, he had witnessed Wei Hongjun making the right decisions time and time again, leading the troops to victory time and time again.

Looking at Wei Hongjun's ideas on the petition issue now, Xiahou Wen admires him even more.

Xiahou Wen also thought a lot about it.

But it can't be compared with Wei Hongjun at all.

"This time, the Central Bureau of Letters and Calls has been established. Besides you, there will be three deputy directors and a secretary-general. If you have any suitable cadres, please recommend them."

"Secretary Wei, since the Central Letters and Calls Bureau is composed of the letters and calls departments of the General Office of the CPC Central Committee and the General Office of the State Council, my suggestion is that the Secretariat send one official, the State Council send one official, and find someone from the democratic parties to serve as the three deputy directors. This way, the Letters and Calls Bureau will coordinate with the Party Committee and the administrative departments, while also strengthening relations with the democratic parties."

"Do you have any cadres you would like to recommend?"

"Ma Hong."

Wei Hongjun frowned.

Ma Hong, whom Xia Houwen mentioned, is currently the deputy director of the Policy Research Office of the State Council.

He was originally the Deputy Secretary-General of the State Council and a member of the Planning Commission. However, Gao Gang's incident affected him. Although he did not go to the provincial government like Zhang Xiushan did, he did adjust his position and move to the Policy Research Office of the State Council.

"Why did you think of Mahone?"

"Secretary Wei, you haven't worked directly with him, so you're not entirely sure of his abilities. Ma Hong is not only well-informed in theoretical knowledge, but also meticulous in his work. He's familiar with everything he's responsible for, from industry and agriculture to commerce and finance to construction. When you work with him, you don't have to worry about specific details; you can just leave it to him. He's a very capable cadre."

During the middle period of the War of Resistance Against Japan, Ma Hong worked in the Hebei-Rehe-Liaoning Military Region, under Deng Guo.

But only for a short time.

At the end of the Anti-Japanese War, he followed Xia Houwen into the Northeast to open up the Northeast base. During this time in the Northeast, Gao Gang saw his talent and began to vigorously promote him. Ma Hong, who was only 25 years old at the time, became a member of the Northeast Bureau, deputy secretary-general of the Northeast Bureau, and director of the Northeast Policy Research Office at the age of 28 under Gao Gang's promotion. Gao Gang was willing to take him wherever he went.

After Gao Gang was promoted to the Central Committee, Ma Hong did not follow Gao Gang to the Secretariat. Instead, he remained in Northeast China until the Northeast Bureau was dissolved and he moved to the State Council. He served as Deputy Secretary-General of the State Council, primarily serving Li Fuchun, who was in charge of industry.

Because the State Council was reluctant to make a major move, Ma Hong was not expelled from Beijing, but was transferred to the State Council's Policy Research Office. Historically, Ma Hong was known for his exceptional abilities. As one of Gao Gang's "Five Tiger Generals," he was demoted, like the others, to the position of deputy manager of the Beijing First Construction Company. Unexpectedly, he thrived there, quickly grasping the unique characteristics of the construction industry. His numerous articles on the field brought him renewed attention from the central government.

The State Planning Commission established a Policy Research Office and, after a brief delay, appointed him Director. He soon returned to the State Council, where he began advising central leadership. He later served as a key figure in the formulation of the famous "Seventeen Articles on Industry." It's fair to say that among Gao Gang's "Five Tiger Generals," Ma Hong was the youngest and had the most established background, yet he forged his way back to the central government through his own talent.

Of course, Ma Hong’s most famous thing should be promoting the cadre Zhu Rongji.

"Do you know what Mahone is involved in?"

"I know."

"You still want to use him?"

"Yes. This is my first time working with petitions, and I need Ma Hong, an outstanding cadre."

Wei Hongjun nodded and said, "Okay. Now, if you submit a report, I will help you coordinate. But Ma Hong can only be the secretary general of the Letters and Calls Bureau, not the deputy director."

"Yes."

1014 Sutuo Incident

With Xiahou Wen's arrival in Beijing, the Central Bureau of Letters and Calls began to be formally established.

After Xiahou Wen recommended Ma Hong, Wei Hongjun quickly coordinated with the State Council, and Ma Hong was officially transferred from the State Council to the Central Bureau of Letters and Calls. The Secretariat approved Xiahou Wen's report appointing Ma Hong as Secretary-General of the Central Bureau of Letters and Calls, and received directives from the Chairman and Comrade Xiu Yang, formally appointing Ma Hong as Secretary-General of the Central Bureau of Letters and Calls to assist Xiahou Wen in establishing the Central Bureau of Letters and Calls.

Xiahou Wen and Ma Hong are old partners.

Therefore, the two of them quickly got into work without any adjustment. The first thing they did was to rectify the current petition departments of the General Office of the Central Committee and the General Office of the State Council.

Wei Hongjun also convened several Secretariat meetings.

After all, we need to arrange cadres for the Central Bureau of Letters and Calls as soon as possible.

After several discussions, the Secretariat finally recommended Zhou Xing, former Deputy Minister of Public Security and current Deputy Procurator General of the Supreme People's Procuratorate, Lu Yuwen, Deputy Secretary-General of the State Council, and Yang Yichen, Deputy Minister of Commerce of the State Council, as Deputy Directors of the Central Bureau of Letters and Calls.

Since its establishment, the Central Bureau of Letters and Calls has been of a very high level.

Although Xia Houwen was only an alternate member of the Central Committee, he was a general in the People's Republic of China and the political commissar of a major military region. The several deputy directors assigned to him were also very high-ranking cadres.

Take Zhou Xing, for example. During the Long March, he served as Deputy Director of the Security Bureau of the First Red Army Corps. He then worked in security in Yan'an for over a decade. Shortly after the founding of the People's Republic of China, he became Deputy Minister of Public Security and later Deputy Procurator General of the Supreme People's Procuratorate. When the Political and Legal Affairs Commission (PLC) was established, he was elected a member. After liberation, Zhou Xing was assigned a rank of Administrative Grade 6. While cadre reclassification hadn't begun since the Ninth National Congress, given Zhou Xing's current rank, he'd likely be assigned an Administrative Grade 5.

Yang Yichen, Deputy Minister of Commerce, was a member of the Communist Party during the Great Revolution. After the April 12 Incident, he and Deng Enming were arrested in Jinan, but they later escaped. He was subsequently sent to the Northeast, where he served as the head of the Organization Department of the Manchuria Provincial Committee, making significant contributions to the establishment of the Northeast Party organization. However, he was arrested again in the Northeast and spent a long time in a Japanese prison before being rescued by the organization. He was then sent to Shandong to restore the Shandong Party organization. He made a significant contribution to the restoration of the Shandong Party organization during the War of Resistance Against Japanese Aggression.

During the Liberation War, he served as Minister of the Urban Work Department of the East China Bureau and Deputy Secretary of the Henan Provincial Party Committee. He eventually moved to the Central Committee, where he served as Deputy Minister of Commerce and Deputy Minister of Foreign Trade. At the recently concluded Ninth National Congress, Yang Yichen was elected as an alternate member of the Central Committee. While not holding a top position in a ministry, Yang Yichen's status as an alternate member is truly rare, demonstrating his seniority and standing within the Party.

Then there is Lu Yuwen.

This was a member of the Revolutionary Committee of the Chinese Kuomintang (RCCK), who had always been close to the Chinese Communist Party. In 1956, because he spoke a few good words about the CCP, he was nearly expelled from the democratic parties at the time, who criticized him for "being an accomplice to the tiger."

Lu Yuwen holds a master's degree in economics. In recent years, he has been working with several vice premiers in the State Council on economic affairs.

When the Central Bureau of Letters and Calls was established, Wei Hongjun also supported Xia Houwen's proposal. Appointing a member of a democratic party as deputy director of the Bureau of Letters and Calls would also be a good thing for the work of letters and calls. The first person Wei Hongjun thought of was Lu Yuwen.

After the three of them took office, the Central Bureau of Letters and Calls was officially established. It also officially became a Party committee department directly under the Central Committee of the Communist Party of China. And this was only the prototype of the Central Bureau of Letters and Calls.

According to Wei Hongjun's idea, the Central Bureau of Letters and Calls should be joined by a cadre from the Central Commission for Discipline Inspection and a cadre from the Organization Department, forming a structure of one director, five deputy directors and one secretary-general.

When the Central Bureau of Letters and Calls was established, the General Office of the Central Committee also began to carry out rectification.

Wei Hongjun was not directly involved.

However, the list of cadres for the Political Secretary's Office ultimately required Wei Hongjun's review and signature. Yang Shangkun reflected on his earlier actions, feeling a bit too hasty. Previously, Yang Shangkun had primarily transferred cadres he was familiar with from the Northwest Bureau to the Political Secretary's Office. Furthermore, soon after arriving, he began to "seize power," clashing with the younger writers in the Political Secretary's Office.

This incident was also very unfavorable to Yang Shangkun. The Chairman criticized Yang Shangkun, saying that as the director of the General Office of the Central Committee, he had allowed the affairs of the Political Secretary's Office to reach the Secretariat.