Rebirth: I am in Jin-Cha-Ji

This time, Yang Shangkun mainly transferred cadres from the former North China Bureau and the former Northeast Bureau.

However, Wei Hongjun rejected the list of cadres Yang Shangkun had submitted. While cadre selection for the Political Secretary's Office was crucial, Wei Hongjun's focus was never on cadre issues. The problems in the Political Secretary's Office were not caused by personal conflicts among cadres.

Rather, the responsibilities themselves are not clear.

Contradictions naturally arise.

Wei Hongjun was more concerned that Yang Shangkun establish rules for the Political Secretary's Office as soon as possible. What should professional secretaries do, and what should cadres do? Once this was clarified, the Political Secretary's Office would find stability. However, if this wasn't clear, conflicts would arise.

Yang Shangkun wanted to use cadres from the North China Bureau, backed by Wei Hongjun, to suppress the political secretariat's penmen. Wei Hongjun disapproved of this tactic. Wei Hongjun, as a member of the Politburo Standing Committee, participating in the political secretariat's power struggle was laughable. Instead of addressing the fundamental issues, he sought to find a shortcut to solve them.

So after Wei Hongjun sent back the cadre list, he told Yang Shangkun to come up with a plan to rectify the Political Secretary's Office as soon as possible. He told Yang Shangkun to come up with the plan first and then consider the cadre issue after it was approved.

Party work is indeed tedious.

There was so much to deal with. Having just finished dealing with the Central Bureau of Letters and Calls and the General Office of the Central Committee, Wei Hongjun was greeted by Guo Yingqiu, the Party Secretary of Nanjing University, in his office. This was quite a surprise to Wei Hongjun.

Wei Hongjun has basically left the State Council now.

Even when Wei Hongjun was at the State Council, he wasn't in charge of education. Historically, he and Guo Yingqiu had no prior contact; it's safe to say they'd never spoken face to face. They'd only met at meetings.

I don't know why he came to find me.

But since Guo Yingqiu had expressed his desire to meet with him through the secretariat, Wei Hongjun couldn't refuse. Guo Yingqiu was the first cadre to give up his position as a provincial governor to work in an educational institution after the founding of the People's Republic of China.

"Comrade Guo Yingqiu, have a glass of water."

"Secretary Wei, I'm sorry to bother you today. But there's something the Secretariat must help us with. This meeting at the Ministry of Education gave me the opportunity to come to the Secretariat in person. I've written to the Secretariat several times before, but they haven't responded."

Guo Yingqiu cherishes the opportunity to meet Wei Hongjun.

Because Wei Hongjun's current status was different, there was a long line of officials waiting to see him. The documents requiring Wei Hongjun's personal signature alone were countless. The fact that Wei Hongjun was able to find time for Guo Yingqiu was invaluable to her.

"Comrade Guo Yingqiu, don't be anxious. Speak slowly."

The reason why the Ministry of Education held a meeting was related to the collusion among college students in Beijing.

The Ministry of Education held a meeting in the hope that universities nationwide would strengthen management and avoid incidents like the Lin Xiling incident in Beijing. Guo Yingqiu had come to Beijing for this meeting, and while attending it, she arranged to meet with Wei Hongjun.

Wei Hongjun was thinking about whether Guo Yingqiu had any issues that needed to be resolved by the Secretariat.

It seems that nothing happened at Nanjing University. Even if something did happen at Nanjing University, it would not be reported to the Secretariat.

"Secretary Wei, are you familiar with the 'Huxi Suppression of Tutors' incident?"

"Know a thing or two."

Wei Hongjun's face immediately became serious.

After the Red Army's Long March, Chairman Mao gradually began to assume leadership within the Party. Learning from the lessons of the Red Army's "anti-counterrevolutionary campaign," he implemented numerous corrections and established stricter regulations. Consequently, the CCP has rarely seen the same severe anti-counterrevolutionary campaigns as those during the Red Army era. While some "leftist errors" and exaggerations occurred during the subsequent rectification movement, they were nothing compared to the anti-counterrevolutionary campaigns of the Red Army era.

But there was only one thing that almost replicated the anti-counterrevolutionary movement during the Red Army period.

That is "Huxi Sutuo".

In the name of eliminating Trotskyists, they practically wiped out the entire Huxi area. What did they mean by "purging"? They dealt with all the leading Party, government, and military officials in Huxi, from top to bottom. With the exception of District Party Secretary Bai Ziming, the entire local Party organization and local government cadre became Trotskyists. Then came Wang Hongming, Deputy Director of the Detachment Political Department and Political Commissar of the Fourth Brigade, who in turn turned every military cadre within the base area into a Trotskyist. Even his partner, Captain Liang Daya of the Fourth Brigade, was nearly executed.

During this "Huxi Purge of Trotskyists," over 300 Party, government, and military officials were shot. If General Luo and his men hadn't rushed over, who knows how many more would have been executed.

As a result, the Eighth Route Army's hard-won and thriving Huxi base suffered a severe blow. At the time, the Huxi Anti-Japanese Base Area was renowned throughout Shandong. Within a few months, anti-Japanese governments at all levels were established, with a main force and local troops numbering over 10,000 men. They launched offensives from all sides, winning numerous victories. However, the "Huxi Suppression of Troops" campaign brought the entire anti-Japanese base area to its knees.

Throughout the War of Resistance Against Japanese Aggression, the Huxi base area never truly developed. Wei Hongjun had only heard of the "Huxi Suppression of Troops" campaign, but he didn't know the specifics. After all, Wei Hongjun was in Shanxi-Chahar-Hebei, so he didn't have the energy to care about what was happening in Shandong.

The same was true after liberation.

This incident happened many years ago. Wei Hongjun was not so idle as to go and look for the documents of "Huxi Sutuo".

Wei Hongjun was very puzzled and asked, "Comrade Guo Yingqiu, if I remember correctly, the Central Committee has already reached a conclusion on the 'Huxi Suppression of Counterrevolutionaries' incident. They rehabilitated the situation at that time and restored his political reputation. What problem do you want the Secretariat to resolve now?"

"Yes, the central government has given a conclusion."

Guo Yingqiu nodded.

However, Guo Yingqiu said, "Although the central government has reached a conclusion, it's as if there is no conclusion at all regarding the cadres involved in the 'Huxi Sutuo' campaign."

"What do you mean?"

"Secretary Wei, every time a cadre is transferred, their history is checked, and the 'Huxi Suppression of Trotskyists' incident gets stuck. The Organization Department always has to re-examine these cadres and bring up the 'Huxi Suppression of Trotskyists' incident again. This also applies to every internal Party rectification campaign by the Central Committee, where they get stuck. It's as if they are truly Trotskyists."

Guo Yingqiu was very dissatisfied.

Guo Yingqiu has a high rank and good relationship with the central leadership.

He was a victim of the "Huxi Anti-Tuozi" incident. Therefore, he was not implicated in any subsequent events. However, the "Huxi Anti-Tuozi" incident involved thousands of people, including hundreds of key cadres.

But they are still carrying the burden now.

If there is any slightest sign of unrest within the party, they will re-examine whether they are Trotskyists. In fact, these people don’t know what Trotskyism is.

"Secretary Wei, the 'Huxi Suppression of Trotskyism' employed torture to extract confessions. Some cadres couldn't hold back and admitted they were 'Trotskyists,' and were forced to admit others were also 'Trotskyists.' One person led another, and eventually the entire Huxi Anti-Japanese Base Area became 'Trotskyists.' The Central Committee has reached a conclusion on these cadres. Some cadres admitted to being 'Trotskyists' or were forced to admit others were 'Trotskyists' during this incident, but this was not a political mistake, and they are not responsible."

"That's what the central government says, but the organization departments at all levels down don't see it that way. Almost twenty years have passed since the 'Huxi Suppression of Tuotuo' incident, but for many of us cadres, we still work with trepidation and burden. And we never know when this matter will be brought up again."

"Secretary Wei, regarding the 'Huxi Suppression of Trotskyism' incident, the cadres of the Huxi Anti-Japanese Base Area were the victims. But now, it is these victims who are being treated as if they had committed a serious offense and are subject to investigation by the organization at any time, and they may be accused of something at any time."

Guo Yingqiu became more and more excited as he spoke.

If Luo Shuai had not arrived that year, Guo Yingqiu would have been shot.

Guo Yingqiu understood the grievances better than anyone else. Many young cadres, fresh out of school at the time, had joined the anti-Japanese war. But because of the "Huxi Suppression of Trotskyists" incident, they had lived in the shadows for twenty years.

As if they were actually guilty.

Guo Yingqiu had originally thought that these problems would be resolved after the founding of the People's Republic of China. However, after the founding of the People's Republic of China, not only were these problems not resolved, but censorship became even stricter.

So Guo Yingqiu was not convinced.

I wrote to the Secretariat repeatedly, but to no avail.

Therefore, he personally came to see Wei Hongjun this time. Guo Yingqiu's thinking was that Wei Hongjun, a member of the Politburo Standing Committee and First Secretary of the Secretariat, had no connection to the "Huxi Suppression of Counterrevolutionaries" in any way. Objectively speaking, he could have helped resolve the issue.

Wei Hongjun also frowned when he heard what Guo Yingqiu said.

Twenty years have passed.

The historical burden is too heavy.

Wei Hongjun thought for a moment and said, "Comrade Guo Yingqiu, I've only heard about the 'Huxi Suppression of Counterrevolutionaries' incident, but I'm not familiar with the specifics. Could you give me some time to learn more about it before I give you an answer?"

If you are in charge of party affairs, you will encounter sensitive historical issues.

Wei Hongjun couldn't avoid it either.

Some problems need to be solved. Guo Yingqiu nodded and said, "Secretary Wei, this incident has affected over a thousand cadres from the former Huxi Anti-Japanese Base Area. They are all eagerly awaiting an answer from the Central Committee."

"Comrade Guo Yingqiu, please give me some time."

"Yes."

Seeing Guo Yingqiu leave, Wei Hongjun immediately asked Zhao Han to help him find information about "Huxi Sutuo".

Wei Hongjun looked at it carefully.

I have read all the important information involved and have a general understanding of what is going on.

The "Huxi Suppression of Trotskyism" campaign is related to Kang Sheng's call for "Anti-Trotskyism" in Yan'an. However, this responsibility cannot be pinned solely on Kang Sheng. After all, although Kang Sheng returned from the Soviet Union and joined the Soviet Union in shouting "Anti-Trotskyism," among the numerous anti-Japanese bases across China, only the Huxi Anti-Japanese Base Area experienced such a serious incident.

In fact, Wei Hongjun found it difficult to understand what happened this time.

No motive found.

Although a lot of reasons were given, many of their motives were untenable. This included the then-district party secretary, Bai Ziming, who seemed to be going crazy, dealing with everyone from top to bottom. He even suspected problems with his own guards and confiscated their guns.

So what is his motive and purpose?

Although it was later concluded that he was fighting for leadership of the Huxi Anti-Japanese Base Area, he killed people like this and even fabricated orders from the Central Committee, the Shandong Branch, and the 115th Division. How could he still dream of becoming the top leader of the Huxi Anti-Japanese Base Area?

Of course, twenty years had passed, and Wei Hongjun didn't have the energy to investigate their thoughts at the time. Perhaps Bai Ziming himself didn't even know why he did what he did.

Wei Hongjun was mainly concerned about how this matter was handled.

After receiving the report and realizing that something big had happened in Huxi, Marshal Luo immediately contacted the cadres of the Shandong Branch, and they all came to Huxi together to stop the "Huxi Sutuo" incident here. But Marshal Luo was very busy at the time, and the 115th Division was fighting every day, so he only came to stop what was happening here. The specific investigation and aftermath were handed over to Guo Hongtao of the Shandong Branch. Although Guo Hongtao made mistakes in the anti-counterrevolutionary campaign in northern Shaanxi, he was still very good at resolving this matter. Under the complicated situation of the Anti-Japanese War at the time and the severe situation of the "Huxi Sutuo" incident, he quickly stabilized the cadres and the team, which was still meritorious.

However, when Guo Hongtao solved this problem, there was still a tail that was not completely solved.

Guo Hongtao concluded that there was no problem with the "Huxi Trotskyist Suppression Campaign," and that there were indeed "Trotskyists" in the Huxi Anti-Japanese Base Area. The problem lay in the exaggeration. This conclusion, reached by Guo Hongtao, became the conclusion of the 115th Division and the Shandong Branch.

The Shandong Branch submitted this conclusion to the Central Committee, and the Central Committee finally adopted the report of the Shandong Branch.

This conclusion is unacceptable to the cadres involved in the "Huxi Suppression of Corruption" campaign. You've already said that the "Huxi Suppression of Corruption" campaign was correct, but it was simply an error of exaggeration. So even if the central government later issued several conclusions, saying the victims were not guilty,

But the organization departments at all levels below don’t believe it.

Since the "Huxi Suppression of Trotskyists" campaign was not flawed, but merely exaggerated, the 115th Division and the Shandong Branch, driven by the dire situation in the Huxi Anti-Japanese Base Area, abandoned the campaign in a moment of panic, claiming everyone was clear. However, this conclusion, drawn in an emergency, is undoubtedly flawed. This is especially true for those cadres who admitted to being "Trotskyists" and even pointed out the "Trotskyism" of others. Who knows if they are truly "Trotskyists"?

Therefore, the central government’s conclusion is of no use at all.

The local party committees and local governments below do not believe it.

Looking at the materials, Wei Hongjun knew that the crux of all the problems lay in the conclusions reached by the Shandong Branch during the Anti-Japanese War.

The phrase "Huxi Sutuo" is correct, but it is wrong to expand it.

This conclusion means that the cadres of the "Huxi Suppression of Counterattacks" can only continue to carry the burden.

Wei Hongjun was also weighing the pros and cons.

The simplest approach to this matter is to continue the Central Committee's previous stance. After the Seventh National Congress, Chen Yun presided over a review of the "Huxi Trotskyist Suppression" campaign. The final verdict was reached: This "Trotskyist Suppression" was caused by leaders using torture to force confessions. Those who confessed under torture to be "Trotskyists" and to have committed various errors should not be held accountable or punished, and all penalties should be rescinded.

After the founding of the People's Republic of China, Peng Zhen presided over the Organization Department. An Ziwen, as Deputy Minister, also issued a directive: "The Central Committee has already made numerous decisions and directives regarding the Huxi "purge of traitors," and the political situation has long since been resolved. All comrades wrongly accused in this "purge of traitors" have done nothing wrong. This matter should not be investigated again in future campaigns."

That’s very well said.

Those are the cadres of the "Huxi Suppression of Trotskyism" movement. No matter whether they admit that they are "Trotskyists" or point out that others are "Trotskyists", all of them are innocent.

Of course, the result is obvious. The central government’s several statements are of no use at all.

"Comrades of the Red Army, to thoroughly resolve this issue, we must change the conclusion of the Shandong Branch. That is, were there any so-called 'Trotskyists' in the Huxi Anti-Japanese Base Area? Only by resolving this issue can we resolve the question raised by Comrade Guo Yingqiu. If the conclusion is that there were indeed 'Trotskyists' in the Huxi Anti-Japanese Base Area, then no matter how the Central Committee concludes, this issue will be fruitless."

1015 Trotskyists

Wei Hongjun has always been concerned about Guo Yingqiu's matter.

So, after the documents on the "Huxi Suppression of Tuotuo" were sorted out, they were handed over to the Secretary and Alternate Secretary of the Secretariat, as well as the newly appointed First Secretary of the Communist Youth League Central Committee, Feng Wenbin, and Director of the Central Bureau of Letters and Calls, Xia Houwen. These two people are not currently alternate secretaries of the Secretariat, but they can attend the meeting and express some opinions.

Because such a major matter as adding alternate secretaries to the Secretariat required the approval of the Central Committee, this matter would have to wait until the Second Session of the Ninth Central Committee in February of next year. Before the meeting, Wei Hongjun wanted to let everyone know about the "Huxi Suppression of Trotskyism."

Don't hold a meeting to discuss this matter at this time when no one knows anything about it.