Rebirth: I am in Jin-Cha-Ji

So Song Ren did not hide his poverty and said it directly.

The Central Party School is now called the Central Senior Party School and is affiliated with the Central Committee. It is just that people are used to calling it the Central Party School.

During the Central Soviet Area period, the Central Party School was known as the Party School of the Central Bureau of the Soviet Area. It was later renamed the Marxist Communist School, and during the Anti-Japanese War, it continued to use the name Central Party School. After the Party Central Committee relocated to Hebei in 1947, it was renamed the Marxism-Leninism Academy. Originally, it was under the leadership of the Secretariat. However, after the Eighth National Congress, it was renamed the Central Party School. Although affiliated with the Central Committee, its actual work came under the Propaganda Department.

The central government's attention to the Central Party School has also declined significantly.

Just look at the successive leaders of the Central Party School. In its early years, when the school was in the Central Soviet Area, Ren Peiguo and later Zhang Wentian were both key leaders of the Central Committee. After the Red Army arrived in Yan'an, Dong Biwu, Kang Sheng, Deng Fa, and Chairman Mao successively served as presidents of the Party School. Without exception, these individuals were important leaders of the Central Committee.

Later, the Politburo held a special discussion on the Party School and determined that it would be directly under the Central Secretariat. The Chairman, then in charge of the Secretariat, personally oversaw the Party School's political guidance, while Ren Peiguo oversaw its organizational direction. The Central Party School Management Committee consisted of Deng Fa, Peng Zhen, and Lin Shuai, who were responsible for the school's day-to-day operations. Towards the end of the War of Resistance Against Japan, the Politburo decided to place the Party School under the management and leadership of the Propaganda Committee. Since the Secretary of the Propaganda Committee was concurrently the Chairman, the Party School remained under the Chairman's leadership. However, the actual work of the Party School was overseen by Ren Peiguo.

This shows the status of the Central Party School within the Party.

The principal person in charge was usually one of the central leaders, and the direct supervisors were all powerful figures within the Party. However, after the founding of the People's Republic of China, and especially after the death of Comrade Ren Peiguo, the Party School's status began to decline. First, the director of the Party School's Management Committee, who was no longer a key central leader, became Hu Qiaomu. Later, after the school was renamed the Central Party School, its president became Yang Xianzhen.

Hu Qiaomu and Yang Xianzhen are of high rank.

Both of them are alternate members of the Ninth Central Committee and administrative level five cadres.

However, compared to the past, when central leadership was in charge of Party School work, the two of them were seriously underrepresented. The Central Party School is currently nominally managed by the Central Committee, but the Secretariat does not directly oversee the school. Instead, the Propaganda Department oversees Party School work, and Hu Qiaomu is considered to represent the Propaganda Department.

Therefore, compared to when Comrade Ren Peiguo was in charge of the Party School, its status is now vastly different. Now that Wei Hongjun wants to integrate Party School education with the appointment of Party and government cadres, the Party School's importance will rapidly increase. Hu Qiaomu and Yang Xianzhen, two alternate members of the Central Committee, simply cannot reflect the importance of the Central Party School.

Song Renqiong's meaning is very simple.

To attach importance to the Party School, we must start with adjustments to the Party School cadres, and higher-level cadres are needed to be responsible for Party School work.

"Comrade Song Renqiong makes sense. The Central Party School should be directly led by the Secretariat, with several secretaries of the Secretariat serving as members of the Party School Standing Committee. The rank of the Party School president should also be raised. Only in this way can Party School education be taken seriously."

Chen Tanqiu spoke.

Support Song Renqiong's proposal.

The Secretariat should directly manage the Central Party School as it did in history, and the leader of the Central Party School should at least be a member of the Politburo.

"Yes, not only should the leadership of the Party School be adjusted, but the Party School curriculum should also be adjusted. Since the Party School is training leading Party and government officials, it cannot just teach Marxist-Leninist theory; it must also include more content related to national construction. This requires the Secretariat to directly intervene in the management of the Party School and unify the teaching content of the Party School."

Ma Mingfang also expressed support.

If the Party School is not directly managed by the Secretariat, how can the Organization Department manage the Party School? Many issues at the Party School need to be adjusted, but under the current circumstances, the Organization Department has no right to intervene.

Wei Hongjun nodded.

I agree with the opinions of Chen Tanqiu, Song Renqiong, and Ma Mingfang. However, this is no small matter. After all, the Central Party School is a training school for senior cadres. Previously, it was directly led by the Chairman and Ren Peiguo. The idea of ​​moving the Central Party School under the direct leadership of the Secretariat is a sensitive matter.

Wei Hongjun needs the support of the Chairman.

In fact, as a member of the Standing Committee in charge of Party affairs at the Central Committee and responsible for the work of the Secretariat, Wei Hongjun can directly make decisions regarding the Central Party School. His current position is similar to that of Comrade Ren Peiguo.

But the more times like this, the more cautious Wei Hongjun should be.

"What do you think, comrades?"

"If we want to combine party school education with the appointment of party and government cadres, the importance of the Central Party School cannot be overemphasized."

"I also think that we should attach importance to the work of the Party School."

The deputy ministers of the Organization Department all supported the idea. Wei Hongjun said, "I'll discuss this matter with the Chairman and Comrade Xiuyang first."

Comrade Xiuyang is also a leader in the Party who is responsible for Party affairs.

He still needs to be informed of such things.

After discussing the Party School issue, Wei Hongjun continued his comments, saying, "There should also be rules for the transfer of cadres between Party and government departments and different sectors like enterprises and schools. I've seen rapid promotions among university cadres. Many young cadres, fresh out of college, can achieve high ranks within university offices in just a few years. This type of promotion is extremely rare in Party and government departments. Therefore, if school cadres are transferred to Party and government departments at the same rank, this is problematic. In the future, some cadres may easily choose this path: rising in rank in school and then transferring to Party and government departments."

"In addition to cadres in school offices, there are also cadres in the Communist Youth League and corporate departments, which are separate from the Party and government departments. Strict transfer rules must be in place. Cadres from schools and Communist Youth League departments who are transferred to local positions must be held at a lower level. They cannot serve at the same level, let alone directly take up a local position. The Organization Department needs more detailed regulations on this aspect."

It is inevitable that corporate cadres, school cadres, and Youth League cadres will be transferred to party and government departments.

But regulations must be made in advance.

Otherwise, many cadres would have worked their way up the ranks in enterprises, schools, and the Communist Youth League, and then come to Party and government departments to compete for positions, seriously affecting the normal flow of cadres. Later, many young cadres took this shortcut.

This is not good.

Rank within the Party and government is paramount. Cadres from other institutions must be given a lower rank if they wish to transfer to Party and government departments. Salaries and benefits may be based on rank, but positions must not be equal.

In particular, the principal positions in party and government departments must never be casually given to cadres from other fields.

"We'll think about this some more."

Chen Tanqiu nodded.

This rule is difficult to make as it will offend too many people.

There was considerable internal debate within the Organization Department. Wei Hongjun didn't continue, as the Organization Department needed to come up with a plan. Wei Hongjun could only trust Chen Tanqiu to come up with a good solution.

Moreover, at the current central government, Chen Tanqiu’s qualifications are very suitable for formulating such regulations.

"There's also the training of young cadres. I have a suggestion: the Central Organization Department should select a group of recent graduates each year and have them work in rural cooperatives for about two years. Let them witness and participate firsthand in the agricultural cooperative economy, including the industrial and commercial development of rural cooperatives. Rural cooperatives are my country's most fundamental production and construction units, and the foundation of our cooperative and collective economies. Our cadres must understand the operation and development of rural cooperatives. After two years, their work will be assigned based on their performance and work reports."

"These cadres can be divided into several categories. Some are able to integrate well into rural cooperatives and help them develop production and the economy. This is the best. Such cadres are knowledgeable, well-informed, and highly adaptable. Some, while not able to fully integrate and contribute to the development of production cooperatives, have unique perspectives, identifying the problems of China's rural cooperatives and identifying their causes and solutions. These are also good cadres. After experiencing rural cooperative work, those who can offer correct opinions are considered cadres with ideas and a promising future. Those who muddle through in rural cooperatives and have no ideas after two years either lack practical work ability or are averse to rural work. Such cadres are overambitious."

"Of course, this is just a suggestion. The Organization Department can contact Comrade Yang Yongfu, who is currently serving as the acting administrative commissioner for the Xinxiang Special District. He has a group of former students from Beijing universities under him who have experience in this area."

Chen Tanqiu nodded.

Wei Hongjun and Chen Tanqiu have discussed many times the training of young cadres, including how young students can be transformed into cadres needed by party and government departments.

But this is no small matter.

It will not be directly included in this "draft", but is just one of the policies of the Organization Department to train young cadres.

After recording Wei Hongjun's words, he said, "Comrade Hongjun, my idea is to quickly complete the basic content of the 'Draft Regulations on the Appointment of Party and Government Leading Cadres.' Some issues that cannot be resolved in a short period of time should be put aside for now. First, we should establish the framework, and then pass this draft at the upcoming Second Session of the Ninth Central Committee. This way, we will have relatively clear appointment regulations for party and government leading cadres for the first time."

"it is good."

This is also what Wei Hongjun meant.

Wei Hongjun's idea is to continue improving the "Regulations on the Appointment of Party and Government Leading Cadres" over the next few years, both in theory and through practical work. This way, a more comprehensive "Regulations on the Appointment of Party and Government Leading Cadres" can be adopted at the 10th National Congress of the Communist Party of China.

Therefore, the Second Session of the Ninth Central Committee must pass the most basic regulations.

"Well, when you go back, continue to refine this 'draft.' We'll hold another meeting in three days to finalize its contents. I'll send the 'draft' to the chairman and his colleagues for their opinions. If they don't have any objections, we'll discuss it in the Secretariat."

"it is good."

Time is quite tight.

因为1958年2月26日到1958年3月8日，要举行中共九届二中会议。

The Organization Department was quick to act. Three days later, Wei Hongjun and the department again discussed the draft. This time, they added requirements for required work experience, a time limit for joining the workforce, and the requirement for training at a school recognized by the Organization Department before promotion. Without any of these requirements, no cadre could be promoted.

The regulations on administrative levels are also very clear.

For example, the administrative level of graduates from technical secondary schools, colleges, and universities who start working, the administrative level after completing their internship and becoming a full-time employee, and the minimum number of years of work experience required before promotion, etc.

Wei Hongjun agreed with the Organization Department's "draft" this time.

Wei Hongjun then submitted a copy of the Organization Department's "draft" to all members of the Politburo Standing Committee. However, this draft was primarily based on the opinions of the Chairman and Comrade Xiuyang.

Because each member of the Politburo Standing Committee has his or her own division of labor.

They will not arbitrarily interfere in other people's division of labor. Central Party affairs are the responsibility of the Chairman, Comrade Xiu Yang, and Wei Hongjun, so other Standing Committee members will at most express their opinions and will not casually raise objections.

Soon the Chairman found Wei Hongjun.

1034 Socialist Discourse

The chairman is called Wei Hongjun, not just because of the report from the Organization Department.

There is also the question of socialist distribution.

Wei Hongjun, basing his discussion on the theory of the three-fold distribution of wealth in later generations and combining it with the current reality of New China, wrote an article on the "three-fold distribution of wealth." The Chairman carefully read Wei Hongjun's article and had some questions he wanted to discuss with him.

Again.

In China's current system, if a cadre of Wei Hongjun's caliber puts forward an idea or a proposal, once it's approved by the central government, it can impact hundreds of millions of people nationwide. The impact can even be long-lasting, lasting for years.

Therefore, any proposal to a leading cadre of Wei Hongjun's level must be made with extreme caution.

In particular, what Wei Hongjun proposed wasn't a general policy. If it were a general policy, it could be withdrawn if the situation deteriorated or if there were policy issues. However, what Wei Hongjun proposed dealt with fundamental construction issues. If they were wrong, it would be devastating.

After all, once Wei Hongjun's idea is approved by the central government, it will guide domestic distribution for a long time. The status of this article will not be much lower than Wei Hongjun's "Theory of Socialist Stages".

They are all important pillars for building a socialist country.

"Comrade Hongjun, according to your article, the problem of primary distribution lies mainly in the system of ownership by the whole people and in the system of large collective ownership. The situation of small collective ownership is different."

"Yes."

Wei Hongjun explained, "There's a clear difference between state-owned enterprises and large collective-owned enterprises and small collective-owned enterprises. Small collective-owned enterprises primarily refer to cooperative economies like small handicraft cooperatives and rural cooperatives. What distinguishes these cooperatives from state-owned and large collective-owned enterprises is that members directly own the means of production. This ownership is tangible, allowing them to directly participate in the cooperative's dividends."

"For example, many rural cooperatives currently use a 3:7 or 4:6 distribution structure, with 3 or 4 representing basic grain and 6 or 7 representing labor grain. However, I don't believe fixed wages exist in rural cooperatives. This is because rural cooperatives are currently the most basic production units in my country and are also small collectively owned industries. The economic assets of rural cooperatives belong to their members. Any excess profits made by rural cooperatives each year are distributed according to the proportion of their members' earnings. Therefore, the rural cooperative model embodies the socialist principle of distribution according to work."

"The primary distribution of grain to rural cooperatives is not about basic food, but about labor food. Because as the economy develops, after rural cooperatives have solved the problem of food and clothing, the proportion of basic food will become lower and lower. At that time, the primary distribution of grain to rural cooperatives will become the distribution of labor food."

Wei Hongjun is very cautious.

Because there are various types of enterprises with different ownership structures in the country, and there are also various types of economic entities with different ownership structures.

These are different.

Wei Hongjun's article isn't simply about theory. He meticulously analyzes the Party and government systems, the military, schools, and factories. He also analyzes the economy, which is divided into those owned by the whole people, those owned by large collectives, and those owned by small collectives.

Different situations have different allocation patterns.

However, these different distribution models must be integrated within a unified national socialist economic system. Therefore, primary socialist distribution is quite complex. Wei Hongjun cannot allow a serious "dual-track" distribution system to develop in China. Therefore, he writes extensively about distribution methods.

Although a report was written, Wei Hongjun reported it in person, which gave the Chairman a deeper understanding.

After listening to this, the Chairman said, "To study the theoretical issues of socialist distribution, it seems that we cannot just study the distribution of Soviet and Eastern European socialism, but also the distribution model of capitalist society. By studying capitalist distribution, we can learn lessons from it and absorb some useful things."

When Wei Hongjun discussed the issue of socialist distribution, he included a number of references to Europe and the United States. Based on the available information, he analyzed the distribution of wealth in Europe and the United States during their industrialization and colonial processes.

But at present, China studies the Soviet Union more and Europe and the United States much less.

The Chairman is very interested in this aspect.

In the past, Chairman Mao's main source of information on the distribution of European and American countries was Marxist-Leninist books, mainly from the Soviet Union. However, after Wei Hongjun took over the Secretariat, especially after the reorganization of the United Front Work Department, he attached great importance to foreign information.

That is why the report was able to write about the distribution of the Soviet Union and Eastern European countries, as well as the distribution of European and American imperialism.

"Yes."

Wei Hongjun nodded.

He said, "Chairman, if we want to coexist with European and American countries in the future, we need to study their history, culture, politics, and economy. Knowing ourselves and the enemy will ensure victory in every battle. Only by understanding our opponents can we better communicate with them. However, due to our country's one-sided diplomacy, there are fewer people studying Europe and the United States in our country. There is even a serious shortage of people who understand European and American languages. This makes it difficult for us to find information. Sometimes it is difficult to get the latest news."