Rebirth: I am in Jin-Cha-Ji

"After I took charge of the Science Working Committee, I realized that many cutting-edge technologies are currently in the hands of Europe and the United States. We must keep a close eye on the development of these cutting-edge technologies and keep abreast of scientific journals and other periodicals in European and American countries. However, we lack talent in this area and need to recruit them as soon as possible."

The Chairman understood what Wei Hongjun meant.

During the Sino-Soviet honeymoon period, China cultivated a large number of people who studied the Soviet Union. This included foreign languages, including Russian. Because of the close Sino-Soviet relationship, there was a nationwide craze for learning Russian and Soviet languages.

However, precisely because of this, the number of people who understand European and American languages ​​and issues has decreased significantly since the founding of the People's Republic of China. Currently, exchanges between China and Europe and the United States rely on cadres who returned from studying in Europe and the United States during the Republic of China period.

If China and Europe and the US had little interaction, these wouldn't be a big deal. But it's clear that China and Europe and the US still need to get along and communicate. Whether it's politics, economics, or diplomacy, there needs to be exchange, and that's when the talent shortage begins to emerge.

The Chairman understands this.

After all, the decision to "lean to one side" in diplomacy was made by the central government. When the decision was made to "lean to one side," these things had to be accepted.

It's the same now.

Although the Chairman’s political report at the Ninth National Congress stated that China would coexist with European and American imperialist countries for a long time.

But this does not mean that China's diplomatic approach will change.

As long as the Sino-Soviet relationship persists, the most important aspect of Chinese diplomacy remains its relationship with the Soviet Union, and China must remain on the side of the socialist camp. The Chairman pondered for a moment and said, "Our country's diplomatic focus remains on the socialist camp. This is the very foundation of our diplomacy. Therefore, we cannot publicly declare our commitment to friendship with Europe and the United States, or to mass-produce cadres for exchanges with them. This would throw the socialist countries into disarray. However, various scientific research institutions, including diplomatic departments, can appropriately cultivate their own cadres in this area. Discuss this matter with Comrade Wu Hao and come up with a low-key, yet effective, approach."

"Yes."

Wei Hongjun understood what the Chairman meant.

Sino-Soviet relations must not break down, and the socialist camp must not break down.

Therefore, we cannot publicly pretend to cooperate with European and American imperialist countries on a large scale in all aspects. Firstly, we must not let such thoughts spread domestically, and secondly, we must not let the Soviet Union misunderstand us.

Economic cooperation is economic cooperation, and we cannot make a big "change of course" in education.

Therefore, it can only be trained by professional departments.

With the President's approval, the rest of the process will be much easier. Don't underestimate these central government departments; they hold immense power. As long as the Prime Minister is willing, then simply adding a few hundred students to the China Foreign Affairs University in the name of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs would be easy.

The same is true for Wei Hongjun.

Under any pretext, they can quietly add majors in this area to colleges and universities to train the necessary talents. And it will not attract any attention at all, and it can be done quietly.

"Chairman, I have some thoughts on our interactions with European and American imperialism."

"Talk about it."

Wei Hongjun is very disciplined.

He wasn't in charge of foreign affairs, but he had his own ideas about interacting with European and American imperialism. He must have had some difficulties. That was why he had spoken to me alone. The Chairman was very interested in Wei Hongjun's thoughts.

Wei Hongjun said, "Chairman, my primary concern isn't diplomacy with European and American imperialism, but rather public opinion at home, and within the socialist camp. Although everyone claims to oppose American imperialism, I've spoken with many intellectuals, cadres, and even students, and I've discovered that they actually retain a strong favorable impression of the United States."

"Although they oppose the blockade and suppression of our country by US imperialism, it's because they are Chinese and have a simple patriotism. However, many of them still believe deep down that the United States is free, developed, and advanced in all aspects. They have a relatively positive view of the American social system, the American political system, and American political leaders and wealthy people. Many even believe that it is precisely because of the United States' advanced social system, advanced political system, and advanced legal system that it was able to complete industrialization in a short period of time and achieve such a developed economy. They also believe that American political leaders and wealthy people are very moral. They say that they are not politicians and that they like to do charity. Many scholars who have lived through the Republican era, in particular, have such a positive impression of the United States."

"Many experts and scholars have returned from the United States with a passion for serving their country. However, they have a rosy, rosy impression of the United States in all aspects. If we break the deadlock with the United States and start new exchanges, many people in my country will see that the American economy is more developed and people's lives are better than ours, and this deep-seated rosy impression will reappear."

Many people believe that China's admiration for the United States emerged after the reform and opening up in the 1980s. After the reform and opening up, people suddenly saw the powerful and wealthy United States, and thus suddenly became admiring of the United States.

Actually not.

Chinese society's admiration for the United States began as early as the late Qing Dynasty. Even into the Republican era, Sun Yat-sen and his colleagues continued to promote the United States. During the Xinhai Revolution, revolutionaries created numerous rumors, including a surge in false information about the Qing Dynasty. However, you can't blame them, as they weren't professional scholars; their propaganda was driven by political agendas.

They also created some fairy tales.

It's necessary to discredit the Qing Dynasty. But we also need to let everyone know that there are other countries and other beautiful political systems besides the feudal imperial system of the Qing Dynasty. The revolutionary party chose the United States.

Therefore, all the glorified stories about the founding leaders of the United States, including the praise of the American political system, basically came from around the time of the Xinhai Revolution.

In China at the time, Washington was undeniably a great man among great men. Stories about him were recorded in newspapers and in biographies of heroes from various countries. The revolutionaries at the time weren't deliberately glorifying the United States or its leaders. Their primary motivation was to overthrow the Qing Dynasty and establish a republic. The American republic served as a model for the Chinese republic.

Sun Yat-sen's "Three Principles of the People," including the organizational structure of the Tongmenghui after its establishment, were largely modeled on the American "separation of powers." Under these circumstances, the impression of the United States in China was naturally favorable.

Because of the revolutionary party's choice, many students at that time admired the United States.

After Chiang Kai-shek chose to ally with the United States, exchanges between China and the United States became frequent. America's strength and wealth deeply captivated Chinese intellectuals. However, after the founding of the People's Republic of China, China became a socialist country. The central government's "one-sided" foreign policy temporarily suppressed this trend of thought.

But that doesn’t mean this trend of thought has disappeared.

Before the Anti-Rightist Movement, many people, whether in universities, newspapers, or even in the scientific research field, liked and were close to the United States far more than the Soviet Union. Unfortunately, the central government's decision-making was different from theirs.

Under this political repression, the backlash in the 1980s was even more severe.

"Then what do you mean?"

"Chairman, our criticism of US hegemony from a diplomatic perspective, our political criticism of the US regime, and our theoretical criticism of capitalism haven't had much impact on ordinary people. This is because most people in our country lack that kind of political sensitivity and a deep theoretical foundation. Therefore, they can't deeply relate to these things. I believe this kind of criticism alone will have little effect. Furthermore, intellectuals will be disgusted by this propaganda strategy. They believe that our propaganda is a smear campaign."

"So I believe we must break the image of America that has been built up since the late Qing Dynasty, glorified by Chinese intellectuals and others. We must expose American history to the public. We must, from a historical perspective, puncture the propaganda created by European and American imperialism about the superiority of capitalist society. European and American imperialism wants socialist countries to believe that their political and economic systems are superior, which is why they have become so powerful. But this is a lie they spread."

"I've been reading some data on European and American countries lately. I've discovered that many of the largest families in Europe and America have ancestors and ancestors who were notorious opium traders, slave traders, and pirates. Former US President Roosevelt, for example, had a major opium dealer on his maternal grandfather's side. He became a tycoon by selling opium. After becoming a tycoon, he began sponsoring schools, hospitals, research institutions, and even doing a lot of so-called "good works," thus earning him a good reputation. No one questioned where his money came from; everyone simply knew him as a "great philanthropist." These opium dealers, after making dirty money, used it to portray themselves as good people and whitewash their histories. We used to be less concerned with intelligence gathering in this area, so we didn't pay much attention to it. But much of the initial gold for industrialization in Europe and America came from the opium trade, the slave trade, and the plundering of colonies."

"There are also many American politicians whose families are descended from opium traffickers, and quite a few were major slave owners. But because this is so glamorized, in the eyes of many people, these American politicians are almost 'spotless' gentlemen."

"We must boldly expose these things and thoroughly expose the dirty history of European and American imperialism. We must reinterpret world history and break the discourse power that European and American imperialism has long constructed in all aspects. Only in this way can we enable our intellectuals to see the true face of European and American imperialism. We must seize the initiative in propaganda."

The Chairman did not expect that Wei Hongjun was talking about this issue.

Speaking of admiration for American leaders like Washington, the Chairman shared the same sentiments during his youth. Among his students, Washington was truly a blemish-free "saint." Despite having become President of the United States, he "unhesitatingly" relinquished presidential power and the title of "emperor." Such a person was simply "perfect."

Some people are beginning to wake up and don't really think so.

But most people will not change the things they accepted in their youth. So it is completely understandable that they have a filter for the United States and people like Washington.

"What do you think?"

"With the development of technology, propaganda methods are also developing rapidly. Currently, the most impactful propaganda method is still film. So my suggestion is that we should take the initiative and produce films that expose the opium and slave trades, exposing American opium and slave traders. We should expose how the wealthy people of American imperialism rose to power and how the United States used these dirty trades to accumulate funds for industrialization. Then, we can not only let the people at home see the dirty history of American imperialism, but also broadcast it within the socialist camp. In Eastern European countries, as in China, some intellectuals have a glorified view of American imperialism. We can even go abroad and broadcast these films in imperialist countries to seize the initiative in world public opinion."

When interacting with Europe and the United States, we cannot just be led by the nose.

We must not only identify contradictions between them politically and economically, but also exploit these contradictions to achieve political, economic, and diplomatic cooperation. The same applies to propaganda.

Can't be passive.

We must dare to take the initiative.

Remove many of the filters we have for American political leaders and wealthy people.

We must dismantle the imperialist propaganda that their industrial and economic development is due to their institutional advantages. We must seize the high ground in public opinion and tell the world that the current prosperity of European and American imperialism is due to the plundering of colonies and the dirty slave and opium trades.

However, this publicity strategy is too proactive.

In recent years, China and the United States have been in a standoff, and there have been verbal spats between them, but the Ministry of Foreign Affairs has mainly criticized the hegemony of US imperialism.

The Ministry of Foreign Affairs would not agree, so Wei Hongjun gave the Chairman a suggestion.

The chairman thought about it.

China's overall diplomatic situation is currently very good. Furthermore, the Premier has always been in charge of foreign affairs, having been in charge of external affairs since the Anti-Japanese War. Therefore, the President still respects the Premier's opinions on this matter.

Seeing the Chairman remained silent, Wei Hongjun said, "We can film and broadcast these films not in the name of the Party and the government. We can cooperate with film companies in Hong Kong to set up a film company and jointly produce films in this area. We can even cooperate with former colonial powers to produce some anti-colonial films."

The CCP has deployed many troops in Southeast Asia and Hong Kong.

Many of these companies, including trading companies, film studios, and newspapers, are directly under the leadership of the United Front Work Department. Even some banks and shipping companies, which are quite powerful, are led by the Party organization.

Wei Hongjun also did not want to conflict with the diplomatic department under the Prime Minister's charge.

So you can be more low-key.

Or they shoot movies under other names, or even turn movies into a form of entertainment for publicity.

"I have no objection to your idea overall. We can't get caught up in the discourse power constructed by imperialism. We must take the initiative to seize the discourse power ourselves. You should discuss this with the Cultural and Educational Work Committee, the United Front Work Department, and other relevant departments. Once you have a plan, you should also communicate with Comrade Wu Hao."

"Yes."

After discussing these matters, the chairman said, "I have read the 'Draft Regulations on the Appointment of Cadres' and I have no objection. However, there is one issue I need to discuss with you."

1035 Party School Reorganization

"Although this 'Draft Regulations on the Appointment of Cadres' also involves provincial and ministerial-level cadres, the regulations do not go into detail."

"Chairman, this is mainly because Comrade Chen Tanqiu and I are considering establishing some specific levels of cadre management. After reaching a certain level, the power of appointment and management lies with the central government, and cadres are managed by the central government. Below the central-level cadres are provincial-level cadres and municipal-level cadres. This is how hierarchical management is carried out layer by layer. Cadres who reach the provincial and ministerial levels should be central-level cadres. Some appointment and removal regulations need to be more carefully considered."

The chaos in cadre management in New China is also obvious in this regard.

Because there are no clear regulations.

The lack of clear regulations regarding which level of cadre should be managed by the Organization Department at that level led to chaotic cadre management at the local level. Many prefectural and district committees directly decided on their own cadre appointments, making it difficult for the provincial Party Committee Organization Department to intervene.

At the same time, the Central Organization Department could easily interfere in local cadre transfers. Many cadre transfers within prefectural and special district committees should have been handled by the provincial government. However, many of those who held top positions in prefectural and special district committees were veteran revolutionaries. Their transfers could easily alert the Central Organization Department, prompting it to intervene, ultimately leading to interference.

To sum up, it's a mess from top to bottom.

The transfer of cadres is relatively arbitrary.

Now that Wei Hongjun is in charge of the Secretariat, this chaotic situation cannot be allowed to continue. The foundation of the "Cadre Appointment Regulations" is to clearly define the authority of the Organization Department and clearly distinguish the jurisdiction of the Organization Departments at all levels.

Organization departments at all levels should not overstep their boundaries and interfere in other people's work.

At the same time, Wei Hongjun discussed with the Organization Department the need to further standardize the administrative ranks of cadres. After the founding of the People's Republic of China, administrative ranks were based not only on job titles but also on the revolutionary credentials of Party members and cadres. Consequently, the administrative ranks of many Party members and cadres did not match their leadership positions.

Some Party cadres are merely deputy provincial governors, but because of their extensive experience, they hold administrative ranks of five or six. On the other hand, some cadres are provincial governors, the top leaders of local administrative bodies. However, due to their lack of revolutionary experience, their administrative ranks are only seven or eight. This means there is a significant mismatch between leadership positions and cadres' administrative ranks. This problem is difficult to resolve in the short term.

The higher administrative ranks of veteran cadres are a way of recognizing their years of revolutionary contributions. You can't lower their administrative ranks just because they don't hold high leadership positions.

Therefore, what Wei Hongjun needs to do is to formalize the administrative levels of leadership positions. Different positions have corresponding administrative levels. Whenever a position is adjusted, the administrative level should follow suit, rather than adjusting administrative levels every few years.

The administrative ranks of cadres were established around the Eighth National Congress of the Communist Party of China. Over the next five years, there were significant changes. Therefore, after the Ninth National Congress, the administrative ranks of cadres began to be adjusted again. This led to an even more serious mismatch between administrative ranks and leadership positions.

It's okay at the top level, but the grassroots are very chaotic.

The administrative ranks of cadres holding the same position differed by several levels. This was precisely what Wei Hongjun wanted to adjust. He had written all of this into his copy of the "Regulations on the Appointment of Cadres."

Only in this way can there be no confusion.

The chairman nodded.

It was only after Wei Hongjun became the first secretary of the Secretariat that the Chairman deeply felt the different working styles of different cadres.

Wei Hongjun did not do much sensational things in the Secretariat.

The wind is light and the clouds are thin.

Wei Hongjun has focused his main energy on institutional construction, including party building and propaganda, including the "Cadre Appointment Regulations" proposed together with the Organization Department this time, which clarify the authority of the Organization Department, clarify the administrative level of leadership positions, etc., all of which are institutional construction.

When Gao Gang was in charge of the Secretariat, he never worked hard on this aspect.

Gao Gang is more concerned about adjustments in the general direction.

So when Gao Gang was in office, he led the "Three Antis Movement" and the "Change Customs and Habits Movement," and reorganized the Organization Department and the Propaganda Department. Peng Zhen left the Secretariat, and the Propaganda Department expelled several deputy ministers.

In comparison, Wei Hongjun is more low-key than Gao Gang.