Servant of the People in Kyiv

"Ha ha……"

After watching Lukashenko return to the crowd and board the plane amid the envy of Belarusian bureaucrats, Haniyev turned and walked over to Magsim, director of the External Liaison Office of the Moldavian Ministry of Agriculture, and asked, "Dear Magsim, are the things I asked you to prepare ready?"

Magsim nodded and said, "If you pay, wouldn't it be hard to find all the worthless local specialties?

Goat cheese, monastery honey, and aged wine are all ready and will be on your return plane tomorrow."

Haniyev nodded and said, "This isn't just for me. Our Yalta city's economy has just started to improve, and I'm planning to give some to the Municipal Party Committee and Soviet comrades as welfare. There are also the veteran cadres and leaders of the Friendship Sanatorium. I can't neglect them, right?"

Magsim stood in awe and said, "I've been deeply impressed by your abilities since hearing about your achievements in Yalta. Many of these items you requested are intended for Secretary Shcherbitsky. Our minister reported this to Chairman Kalin and Secretary Grosu, and they have specifically instructed us to prepare an additional batch of specialties for His Excellency Shcherbitsky on behalf of Moldavia."

Haniyev nodded and said, "I will express your wishes to Mr. Shcherbitsky."

Magsim was delighted to hear this. After the two discussed a number of details, Magsim said contentedly, "Secretary Haniyev, please rest assured. Our minister has approved your application. The Ministry of Agriculture will soon send a team of experts to Yalta to inspect your vineyards and strive to improve the cultivation techniques and varieties of your Yalta grape farm as quickly as possible!"

Haniyev nodded in satisfaction and said, "You must lead the team yourself. Our Yalta convalescent care services are the best, and the newly added essential oil massage spa is absolutely amazing. You must experience it."

Magsim rubbed his hands and said, "That's good. I've heard that Yalta's service industry is very developed, and I've been wanting to see it for a long time."

As the two were talking, an airport staff member walked over quickly.

"Two leaders, the guesthouse just called and said they have something important to discuss with Secretary Haniyev."

Haniyev's heart moved, he nodded and said goodbye to Magsim.

After returning to the guesthouse in a special car from the Ministry of Agriculture, Haniyev saw four or five middle-aged men as soon as he entered the lobby. The leader was a man wearing a thin woolen suit. The two men smiled at each other, shook hands and said, "Hello, Haniyev!"

"Hello, Voronin!"

The person who came was Vladimir Voronin, Deputy Minister of Organization of the Moldavia Central Committee.

He and Haniyev were classmates who trained at the Odessa Higher Party School at the same time. Their political ideas and personalities were very similar, so they became good friends. Behind Voronin were several other classmates who were also secretaries of the Moldavia Municipal Party Committee, but their relationship with Haniyev was very ordinary.

"Why didn't you tell me you were coming to Moldavia for research? If I hadn't heard Minister Guzdak of the Ministry of Agriculture talk about you during our meeting yesterday, I wouldn't have known you were in Kishinev."

"My schedule is very full, and I was worried about disturbing you. Look, you guys have already dropped your work and are here, right?"

"We are old classmates. How can it be humane if you come to offer your condolences?"

Voronin smiled softly, pointed at the students behind him, and said, "Since we are all classmates, I asked their opinions. Everyone agreed to come and see you, so I came. It just so happened that you were out."

Haniyev hurried forward to shake hands with his classmates one by one. After the greetings were over, he said, "I was seeing a friend off on a plane, and I rushed back when I heard you were coming. Come on, let's go to the restaurant for tea and chat. We haven't seen each other for more than half a year, so we should catch up."

"Of course not. I remember the training at the Advanced Party School was last November. It's already July, so it's been half a year..."

……

Voronin and Haniyev were chatting and laughing, and the five Moldavian city party secretaries who followed behind them also interjected from time to time. The relaxed and joyful atmosphere infected everyone around them.

Chapter 108 Haniyev Wants to Make a Plan

Haniyev's classmates were all city party secretaries of several western Soviet republics. The majority of the students were Ukrainians, but there were also six or seven Moldavians. Voronin was the leader among these people from the beginning, because when Voronin enrolled, he was the Deputy Minister of the Organization Department of the Moldavia Central Committee and the First Secretary of Senjere City. He could be said to be a highly qualified city first secretary.

Haniyev took Voronin and his party to the restaurant of the guesthouse and sat down and ordered a drink for each of them.

After not seeing each other for more than half a year, Voronin, like Haniyev, has become more and more energetic.

After Haniyev teased him a few times, Voronin chuckled and said, "The purpose of the Advanced Party School training is to cultivate high-level reserve cadres for the Soviets. We are all first secretaries of the city, and we will be given important positions soon after the training. You have the support of the big guys, so there's no rush. We can't wait to make further progress."

"So you've made progress?"

"I used to be the fifth deputy minister of the Central Organization Department, but last month I was promoted to first deputy minister. Not only me, but most of our classmates have also joined the city leadership team. For example, Rudi was the first secretary of the Drokia region when he was studying last year, and he was given a new position after the new year. And..."

With Voronin's introduction, Haniyev learned that his Moldavian classmates had been promoted from regional first secretaries to city first secretaries or joined ministries and commissions as directors of certain committees after not seeing them for a few months.

Moldavia is a small country, so it only has three levels of division: counties, districts, and cities. Regions are the most core divisions. Although cities are larger than regions, they are rare in Moldavia. Therefore, compared with Ukraine, the administrative level of Moldavia's regions is roughly the same as that of Ukrainian cities, and the few cities are approximately equal to or slightly lower than Ukrainian states.

Therefore, Haniyev's classmates, who were originally the first secretaries of the regions and cities in Moldavia, have now been promoted and reused. The highest-ranking one is naturally Voronin, the first deputy minister of the Organization Department of the CPC Central Committee. The others have also obtained the actual positions of "full-level bureau chief" under the Soviet system. Naturally, everyone is happy.

After congratulating the students who were promoted, Haniyev chuckled and looked at Voronin with a smile.

"Vladimir, you must have put in a lot of effort for the progress of our classmates."

Voronin coughed lightly and said, "We are all classmates. We should help each other, right?"

As the deputy minister of the Central Organization Department, Voronin must have a say in the study of regional cadre promotion, demotion and appointment. Now all his classmates have been promoted and reused. In the small Moldavia, there may have emerged an "Odessa Party School Gang" headed by Voronin, referred to as the "Odessa Gang".

It is no wonder that Voronin was just a minister when the Soviet Union collapsed, but he was able to form the Communist Party after the collapse of the Soviet Union, and successfully ran for president after accumulating strength for several years. At that time, there were many high-ranking officials' families in Moldova during the Moldavia period, and Voronin still had a certain influence and was a spokesperson for the old Soviet Communist Party.

Moldavia has always been a small and transparent country among the Soviet republics, not only because of its small size and few resources, but also because it lacks sufficient geopolitical influence. Therefore, even if the Republic of Moldova is established after the disintegration of the Soviet Union, this small country will still be a small and transparent country in Europe and internationally.

However, Haniyev knew that in the years before and after Moldova's independence, due to the presence of hundreds of thousands of Ukrainians and Russians in the country, internal divisions and civil wars occurred. Russia's intervention led to the emergence of a Russian-controlled Moldavian Republic of Transnistria in Moldova, referred to as the "Transnistria Republic".

The Transnistria Republic was a pawn used by Russia to control Moldova, so that in the following decades Moldova was led by Russia and could not develop independently and freely.

Moldavia and Moldova a few years later are a piece of land and a country, which is adjacent to the western border of Ukraine. From a geopolitical point of view, Ukraine needs Moldavia more. From the perspective of population distribution, there are also hundreds of thousands of Ukrainians in Moldavia. Since Russia will be able to intervene in Moldova a few years later and support a Transnistria Republic in its territory, why can't Ukraine intervene in advance and make Moldavia a little brother of Ukraine after independence?

Although this idea in Haniyev's mind was just a sudden inspiration, it grew like a fire that burned more and more fiercely. He felt like a cat scratching his heart, until he decided to establish a closer classmate, comrade, and friendship with Voronin in the future.

He wanted to help Voronin, who still had old ties with the Soviet Union, to seize power in Moldova earlier when Moldavia became independent, and let him become the person in charge in Moldova sooner and faster. This would not only prevent Russia from extending its hand into Moldova, but also enable Moldova and Ukraine to establish a close national strategic cooperation relationship in the future.

Haniyev has long regarded himself as the future helmsman of Ukraine. He knows that if Ukraine wants to become truly prosperous and strong, it must resolve its fate of being a pawn of NATO and put an end to Russia's bullying and control. Therefore, strengthening Ukraine's strength is the top priority.

No matter how weak Moldova is, it is still a member of the United Nations, and it is also a tentacle and springboard for Eastern Europe to reach Central Europe. Ukraine's exports of natural gas, coal, iron ore and agricultural products to Europe mostly need to go west by land, and the general routes are Poland and the Czech Republic. However, the Balkan countries to the south of the Czech Republic are also a major customer of Ukraine.

To the west of Moldova is Romania, so turning Moldova into Ukraine's trusted little brother is equivalent to Ukraine directly bordering Romania. This will allow Ukraine to influence Romania, Bulgaria, Serbia and other countries, and may even affect the entire Balkan Peninsula.

After realizing this, Haniyev became even more enthusiastic towards his Moldavian classmates, led by Voronin. He not only talked with them about current affairs, but also generously shared his own reform experience when he was in charge of Yalta.

Voronin and others were amazed when they heard this. They all admired Haniyev's courage and means, and were even more envious of the land of Yalta.

As a landlocked country, Moldavia dreamed of having its own port and coastline.

Haniyev said bluntly: "You don't have to envy me. When I enter the central government of Ukraine in the future, I can promote cooperation between Ukraine and Moldova and deepen the relationship between our two countries. Then the port of Odessa will be your port, and the beaches of Odessa will be the beaches of the Moldavians!"

Chapter 109 Returning to China

Regardless of the political system, the most important skill for officials and politicians is to learn how to paint a rosy picture and how to use language to deceive people and achieve certain goals.

As a person, Haniyev's bureaucratic instincts were already well-developed. In order to make Voronin and others his political resources and trusted followers, he naturally seized the pain points of the Moldavians and painted a big pie that Voronin and others could not refuse.

That is, Ukraine, as a big country to the east of Moldavia, is willing to help Moldavia prosper and share resources and port coastlines.

Most of Moldavia originally belonged to Romania, and it can be said that it was a country created by the Soviet Union. Therefore, there has always been a voice in Moldavia calling for the merger of Moldavia and Romania.

Officials such as Voronin are all vested interests of the Moldavia regime. They do not want Moldavia to have any connection with Romania anymore, so it would be best if they could cling to Ukraine. Because the two countries have different national languages ​​and cultures, there is no need to worry about being annexed by Ukraine.

In Haniyev's words, he has become the second citizen of Moldavia. He not only has a good impression of Moldavia, but also has deep feelings for his classmates such as Voronin. This made him determined to promote in-depth cooperation with Moldavia after joining the Central Committee of the Ukrainian Party in the future.

Voronin and his companions were deeply moved and inspired after hearing this. They had no doubt that Haniyev was bragging. They knew Haniyev's connections and background, and also knew his achievements in Chernobyl and Yalta. Such a party member and cadre must have unlimited prospects.

If Haniyev had not carried out reforms in Yalta, he might not have been promoted or reused because he was branded with the Sherbitsky faction and might have been suppressed by Gorbachev. He might have only been a provincial and ministerial-level cadre. However, in the past year, Haniyev responded to the call of General Secretary Gorbachev, vigorously promoted reforms in Yalta, and took the initiative to make great strides forward and achieved considerable results.

At the same time, Sherbitsky did not push for the promotion and reuse of Haniyev, which made many people believe that Haniyev had changed from a conservative to a reformer. Coupled with the political benefits of Chernobyl, there would be absolutely no problem for Haniyev to enter the Ukrainian central government within ten years.

Voronin and others were excited not only because Haniyev wanted to help Moldavia, but they also had their own selfish motives.

If my classmates or friends become high-ranking officials of the Party Central Committee of Ukraine or even the First Secretary, then as a bureaucrat of a Soviet republic, I will definitely benefit greatly.

You have to know that Ukraine is the second-in-command among the Soviet republics. The first secretary of the Ukrainian party is a member of the Soviet leadership team, and one sentence can decide the fate of the leader of the small Moldavia country.

Therefore, Voronin and others are looking forward to Haniyev becoming the main leader of the Central Committee of the Ukrainian Party more than anyone else.

All those who have political aspirations and ambitions hope to have their own backers or political resources in officialdom, because without a backer they cannot go high or far.

Haniyev is the political resource of Voronin and others, but for Haniyev, aren’t Voronin and others also his political resources?

In a blink of an eye, it was July 3rd, the day when the Crimea observation group returned.

Due to Ukraine's special status among the Soviet republics, before the observation group left the reception hotel, not only was they seen off by the Secretary of the Ministry of Agriculture, but also the Chairman or Prime Minister of Moldavia, Kalin, came in person to express his condolences.

The Soviet Union's member states were equal in name only, but in reality, the two major countries, Russia and Ukraine, had very high status, followed by Belarus. The other member states were mostly obscure, and Moldavia was the least transparent.

Therefore, under normal circumstances, the observation groups from Russia, Ukraine and Belarus, led by governors, must be met or seen off by the prime minister.

Kalin was very amiable in front of the Crimean delegation, shaking hands cordially with every Ukrainian. Especially when he approached Haniyev, he shook Haniyev's hands tightly and said with a smile, "You are one of the outstanding young people in Ukraine in recent years. Secretary Haniyev welcomes you back to Kishinev!"

During his first visits abroad, Haniyev found himself quite famous. From the Baltic Sea to East Germany to Moldavia, almost every leader he came into contact with knew him and was very enthusiastic.

Haniyev knew that it was his leadership in saving hundreds of thousands of Chernobyl residents that made him famous, mainly thanks to reports from Western media such as Reuters, the Associated Press, and AFP, as well as news reports within the Soviet Union.

Although there was not much space for Haniyev in internal Soviet reports, foreign media described Haniyev as the only Soviet official who was responsible and capable in times of crisis. Reuters highly praised Haniyev as a "Leninist Soviet cadre", and the Associated Press also praised Haniyev as a "contemporary Sablin".

Although the Soviet government strictly prohibited officials and the public from collecting and reading foreign magazines and newspapers, in reality, officials above the level of commune secretary had access to foreign information, so Haniyev's name had long been famous both inside and outside the Soviet Union.

After chatting modestly with Kalin for a few words, Haniyev consciously withdrew into the observation group.

After a while, the condolence visit ended, Kalin's special car left, and the Crimea observation group's car also took everyone out of the hotel and headed to the airport.

Kishinev is not big, and its airport is also small. In Haniyev's eyes, this capital looks similar to Crimea.

After arriving at the airport, Voronin also came to say goodbye with some gifts. After agreeing to take his classmates to Yalta for vacation in the winter a few months later, Haniyev and the observation group left the waiting room and went to board the plane.

It was not until the plane took off and he saw Kishinev getting smaller and smaller outside the window that Haniyev breathed a sigh of relief and felt relaxed all over.

The investigation and observation for more than one month or nearly two months made the members of the observation group, including Haniyev, physically and mentally exhausted. Not long after the flight, everyone fell asleep in their seats.

It was not until the plane landed smoothly that the Slavic blonde beauty stewardess gently woke everyone up.

After getting off the plane, Haniyev saw the first secretary of Crimea Oblast and his leadership team welcoming him, and the leadership team of Yalta City was also in the crowd.

Mayor Klosky stood aside with city leaders such as Petrov, and behind them were Haniyev's reform stalwarts such as Vyshevsky and Alexander.

When these people saw Haniyev, they raised their hands and greeted him.

Chapter 110 Meeting

Looking at his dozen trusted subordinates with their hands raised and smiles on their faces, Haniyev felt a surge of pleasure in his heart.

Shaking his head slightly, Haniyev murmured to himself, "Maybe I really have a chance to become the sun of Eastern Europe..."

According to the arrangement of the Crimean State Party Committee, the observation group will stay overnight in the state guesthouse after returning. There will be not only a dinner but also a briefing in the evening.

So after meeting his leadership team and subordinates, Haniyev simply instructed Vyshevsky to take back the gifts he brought back, and at the same time told Klosky and Petrov that he would convene a municipal party committee work meeting after returning tomorrow to listen to the work reports of the heads of various departments.

Klosky is an old cadre in his fifties. Before becoming mayor, he was the vice president of Kerch Marine Technical University in Crimea. Since becoming mayor, he has tried his best to cooperate with Haniyev and is completely a decoration.

However, he is old and is a school professor. He is no match for Haniyev in terms of ambition or means, so he is naturally happy to be a clay mayor.

After hearing Haniyev's instructions, before Klosky could say anything, his deputy, Petrov, spoke up first, "Don't worry, Comrade Secretary. I'll make arrangements as soon as I get back. Although you haven't been home recently, we in Yalta have been promoting various work according to the guidelines you specified and have achieved considerable results. I believe you will be satisfied tomorrow."

Haniyev smiled and nodded, then lowered his head and said to Vyshevsky, "Don't touch the gifts and specialties I brought back. I will arrange them myself when I get back."

"Don't worry, Victor. I'll see to it myself, and no one will be left behind."

Nodding to everyone, Haniyev followed the observation group to the reception hotel.

Haniyev deliberately kept a low profile at the meeting and dinner, spoke less, and did not leave the state government until after the dinner ended at around nine o'clock in the evening.

If Haniyev had followed his own ideas, he would not have been willing to attend the meeting and the dinner because he felt it was meaningless. However, during his overseas visit, he had become familiar with the secretaries and leaders of the same group and knew that the provincial party committee and the Soviet had always had opinions about his eccentricity.

In order to ensure that he would not leave any handle in the details, Haniyev chose to stay.

However, after the dinner ended, Haniyev left immediately. Vyshevsky had already reserved a car and driver.

After getting in the car, a burst of fragrance blew into Haniyev's nose. As soon as Haniyev turned his head, he saw a soft body snuggling into his arms. Bangya's beautiful little face was in front of Haniyev, and the warm breath accompanied by the smell of perfume blew on Haniyev's face.

Haniyev, who had been holding it in for dozens of days during his overseas visit, suddenly felt a heat in his lower abdomen. He glanced at the driver and saw that it was Alexander, then he hugged Bunya and kissed her with relief.

Alexander, Bonya's brother-in-law, watched the two affectionate couple in the rearview mirror with a smile on his face, secretly pleased with himself: Secretary Haniyev has a promising future, and countless women want to get into his bed. I heard his girlfriend is the daughter of a high-ranking official in Kiev, with a father-in-law who is a high-ranking official in the capital and the old secretary's backing. Haniyev will soon leave Yalta for a promotion, and Bonya's being able to spend time with Haniyev is enough to make our family soar...

Haniyev's dormitory in Yalta was inconvenient, so Alexander sent the two of them directly to the small villa prepared for Haniyev by the health care company.

The beautifully decorated and fully equipped villa was bustling with activity for most of the night, and the "war" did not end until after four in the morning.

Haniyev, sweating all over, was lying on the leather sofa holding the naked Bunya, panting.

Bangya's body shook for more than ten minutes before he came to his senses. He then lay down on Haniyev's chest and took a bite.

"Smelly man!"

Haniyev laughed: "Is it really smelly? I saw that what you just ate was quite delicious, wasn't it?"

Bangya's pretty face flushed, and she pouted, "You've been abroad for more than 40 days, and I missed you so much, but you didn't miss me either."

Haniyev slapped his big hand on Bangya's snow-white full moon, causing a wave of white waves to shake.

"Of course I miss you. I brought you a lot of gifts. If you don't want them, forget it. I'll give them to someone else..."

"Ok?"

Bangya pinched Haniyev lightly and said, "Who said I don't want it? I want them all!"