Servant of the People in Kyiv

……

Happy times are always short. At around 10 o'clock in the morning, the phone rang and woke up Haniyev, who was tired and had been sleeping soundly for most of the night.

It was Vysheski's voice that answered the phone: "Victor, get up quickly. Didn't you say yesterday that the meeting would be at 11 o'clock this morning? Everyone has already arrived. I've sent Director Alexander to pick you up. Please come quickly."

Haniyev suddenly woke up, washed and dressed with the help of Bangya, and pushed the door open after a French kiss.

It was already 11:30 when they arrived at the venue, but none of the hundreds of people attending the meeting showed any anxiety or impatience, which showed that Haniyev's prestige in Yalta had reached an extremely high level.

After a brief opening speech, Haniyev took out the contact list of each department and called the roll. The heads of the committees, bureaus and communes who were called stood up and reported on their work achievements in the past month.

Haniyev just listened to the reports on agriculture, fisheries and other areas, but when the heads of the Ministry of Internal Affairs, Health Company and Health and Social Pension Committee reported on their work, Haniyev kept asking for details. Fortunately, the three of them had done their homework and did not get stuck.

It was already two in the afternoon when the meeting ended. Haniyev, feeling exhausted, put down his water cup and said, "Ministers Vyshevsky, Alexander, and Zagoyev, you three have done a solid job. The health care company and the Health and Social Security Committee are the guarantee and management departments for our Yalta's largest pillar industry, the service industry. One wrong step will affect the entire situation. Therefore, you must manage, train, and protect the service personnel, headed by health technicians and health doctors, well..."

And our Ministry of Internal Affairs must cooperate well to ensure the safety of tourists and service personnel, and to ensure that the crime rate in Yalta does not increase due to the significant economic growth..."

The mayor did not have a chance to say a word during the entire meeting. Only after Haniyev finished his speech did the participants slowly disperse.

Haniyev was about to go to the cafeteria to have a quick bite before going to the office to deal with the backlog of documents and sign and approve the application reports from various departments.

Suddenly, the office director Suva walked quickly to Haniyev.

"The old man wants you to come over."

Haniyev nodded and looked at Vyshevsky. Now that the health care company was on the right track, it no longer needed Vyshevsky as a manager to keep an eye on it, so after Haniyev came back, Vyshevsky became his full-time driver again.

Chapter 111: Directly Reaching Heaven

In Yalta and even in Ukraine, the only person who can be called "old man" is Sherbytsky, who has been in charge of the center of power in Ukraine for more than ten years.

In Yalta, Haniyev referred to "Sherbitsky" as his "kind father" more than once in private and public occasions, so in Yalta, the "old man" is the "kind father" of the first secretary of the municipal party committee - Sherbitsky.

Upon learning that the old man had summoned him, Haniyev did not bother to deal with the accumulated government affairs and asked Vyshevsky to drive him to the Friendship Sanatorium as quickly as possible.

Since the Sherbitskys moved in, the Friendship Sanatorium has basically stopped accepting ministerial-level cadres for recuperation, and only accepts some national-level model workers for recuperation. This is for consideration of the safety of the Sherbitskys, and also for fear of affecting their lives.

With fewer people living there, the Friendship Sanatorium seemed very empty. When Haniyev walked into the lobby on the third floor, he saw the agents of the Ministry of Internal Affairs who were responsible for protecting Sherbitsky.

After saying hello, Haniyev walked directly to Sherbitsky's suite and knocked gently on the door.

"Old man, it's me, Haniyev."

Madame Shcherbitsky opened the door, smiled, hugged and kissed Haniyev.

"Hello Victor, long time no see."

"My dear lady, you are still as beautiful as ever."

Madame Shcherbitsky raised her eyebrows and said with a smile, "You're flattering me again. It's a good thing that the old man is looking for you."

Haniyev walked a few steps inside and saw the energetic Sherbitsky sitting on the sofa in a casual jacket.

The old man saw Haniyev laugh, pointed to the sofa in front of him, and asked him to sit down, "What did you gain from this observation?"

"I've gained a lot. I was planning to report to you tonight, but I didn't expect you to call me here early."

After sitting down, Haniyev said, "I've bought some specialties for you in the three Baltic countries, East Germany, and Moldavia. I'll have them delivered tomorrow. You and your wife can keep some for yourselves, and the rest can be given to your relatives in Kiev."

Shcherbitsky nodded, stroked his newly stubbled chin, and asked, "Do you know why I called you here?"

"do not know."

Haniyev shook his head. "You are as wise as a prophet. How can I possibly guess what you are thinking?"

"Hey."

Shcherbitsky chuckled, his deep eyes glancing over as he spoke calmly, "This morning in Moscow, an enlarged meeting of the Politburo of the Party Central Committee was held. The Central Committee Congress hasn't convened yet, and Gulenko couldn't replace me as a member of the Politburo. He could only attend as a non-voting delegate in his capacity as First Secretary of Ukraine. Logically, I'm still a leader of the Party and the Soviets, a member of the Soviet Politburo and the Central Committee. Moscow should have notified me of their attendance, but that bastard Gordi used my poor health as an excuse to prevent me from attending..."

When Shcherbitsky talked about Gordi, he became a little emotional and cursed.

"Gorbachev is truly a worthless person. You've already made concessions many times, but he's still pressing you."

Hearing Haniyev's indignant curses, Sherbitsky calmed down. He chuckled and said, "That old fellow Ryzhkov thought Gorbachev was a wise leader and actually tried to cooperate with him to promote economic reform. This man is close to the West and values ​​Western intellectuals. Putting the baton of national reform in Gorbachev's hands will only destroy the Soviet cause..."

"This expanded Politburo meeting mainly discussed reforms and increasing pressure. Ryzhkov fully supported Gorbachev's proposals at the meeting. It seems like we, the conservatives, have been deprived of even our voice. No wonder I wasn't notified to attend the meeting..."

Seeing that Sherbitsky seemed somewhat disheartened, Haniyev hurriedly said, "I remember you said that Ryzhkov is a good economist. His ideas also inherited Andropov's ideas, wanting to stabilize prices, reform the planned economy, and promote a market economy controlled and regulated by the state. This is in line with our national conditions in the Soviet Union, but Gorbachev is more radical. Currently, the reforms have just been implemented, and the two of them can still cooperate. Once the reforms reach the deep end, I believe Ryzhkov will definitely fall out with Gorbachev!"

Sherbitsky looked at Haniyev in surprise and smiled, "You do have a thorough understanding of the problem. But by the time Ryzhkov wants to object, Gorbachev's situation will have been established. I'm afraid he won't be able to protect himself by then... Oh... let's not talk about this anymore..."

I asked you to come here to tell you that at the Politburo meeting, Gorbachev singled out several regions that had achieved significant reform results over the past six months for special praise, including Moscow and Yalta. The First Secretary of the Moscow Municipal Party Committee was Yeltsin, a Soviet minister-level official and a trusted reformer by Gorbachev. It was inevitable that he would be praised, but do you know why Yalta and you were also praised?

Haniyev was stunned. He hadn't expected a mere "department-level cadre" within the Soviet system to have such a chance to be praised and admired by the General Secretary. If this had happened during any previous Soviet leader's term, it would have meant rapid advancement and a leap onto the world stage. But it had to happen during Gorbachev's tenure...

"Although I seemed to be challenging you during the Chernobyl incident, you summoned me many times and later promoted me to First Secretary of Yalta City. You even went to Yalta for recuperation. I don't think Gorbachev knew I was your man. How could he..."

Shcherbitsky chuckled and said, "The KGB in Moscow has been monitoring the Friendship Sanatorium. Gorbachev couldn't hide my relationship with you, but your rank is too low. Moreover, the reforms you implemented were carried out under my nose. Gorbachev believed that your reforms were my instructions and a sign of my surrender and closeness to him. However, he was still unsure, so he didn't let me attend the meeting. Instead, he praised you as a test."

Haniyev suddenly understood and nodded. "That makes sense. Don't you want to return to power as soon as possible? Perhaps you can still maintain your power and status by pretending to support reform. Gorbachev might even be able to retain your vice-ministerial status at this year's Central Committee meeting."

"No."

Shcherbitsky shook his head and said, "I'm a representative of the conservatives. Having reached my current position, I can't do or say whatever I want. I have to consider the impact. If I openly support reform, it would be a betrayal and I would be despised. If I lose my camp, Gorbachev will no longer be afraid of me and can throw me into the trash at any time..."

Haniyev fell into deep thought. He felt that Sherbitsky was thinking more deeply than he was.

"Then you..."

"For both public and private reasons, I can only promote you. Gorbachev is a smart man. He knows I won't openly support him. However, as long as I support your reforms, it means I won't oppose his reform cause, and he will also give me some dignity. As long as I am willing, Gorbachev will never frown on your promotion and reuse. So, Moscow knows you, mentions you, and may even reuse you in the next step. This is a signal of my compromise and cooperation with Gorbachev."

"Isn't this too unfair to you?"

Haniyev could not hide his excitement. Even if he was slow-witted, he knew his chance had come.

"Our status was different. Gorbachev wouldn't tolerate me, and Ryzhkov had compromised. I couldn't defeat him, so I had to find a balance."

Shcherbitsky sighed and looked out the window at the blue sky and the blue sea.

"I've already had someone start your assessment. Your promotion application will be approved in a month at most. If Gorbachev acquiesces to your promotion, I can keep my vice-ministerial rank. If he interferes with your promotion, I'm afraid things will get worse than I thought..."

It was already past three in the afternoon when Haniyev came out of the Friendship Sanatorium. He talked with Sherbitsky for several hours and had lunch together.

Today, Sherbitsky told Haniyev many secrets of the top leaders of the party, and also made Haniyev realize for the first time the top leaders' means of struggle, considerations and way of thinking.

According to Sherbitsky's evaluation, Gorbachev was a pragmatist, and only officials who helped him implement reforms were good officials.

Therefore, it was Sherbitsky's credit that Haniyev's name and the Yalta reforms reached the emperor's ears. It was an olive branch extended by Sherbitsky in order to maintain his vice-ministerial status. However, Gorbachev was willing to accept it because he really admired Haniyev after learning about the achievements of the Yalta reforms.

If Yeltsin's reforms were drastic and had more political significance than practical work, then Haniyev's reforms were truly promoting the economic structure.

Haniyev's abilities were appreciated and valued by Sherbitsky through the Chernobyl incident, and were also appreciated by bigwigs such as Ryzhkov and Gorbachev during the Yalta reforms.

With Sherbitsky's instructions, Haniyev already knew that he would be promoted again soon. Although he didn't know whether he would be a deputy secretary in a certain province or a deputy minister in a certain ministry, it was absolutely certain that he would be promoted from a "full-level minister" to a "deputy minister" in Ukraine. This was also a deputy-level position in the entire Soviet Union, which could be regarded as a step into the ranks of senior cadres.

It would be a lie to say that he was unhappy. Haniyev was so excited that he had no time to deal with government affairs. He went straight back to the villa of the health care company and called Bunya over to go crazy again for the whole afternoon and evening.

It was not until noon the next day that Haniyev, who was exhausted and shot several times, regained his composure and calmness.

Chapter 112 Where do you want to be governor?

It was only on the third day after returning to Yalta after a tour abroad that Haniyev sorted himself out and devoted himself to the work of the Party Committee and the municipal government.

Because Yalta's industrial structure was single, the economic reforms he promoted were mainly based on the tertiary industry. So with people like Vyshevsky and Alexander leading the charge, things were already on the right track, and he was no longer worried.

After dealing with many of the current government affairs, Haniyev sent an invitation letter to the Moldavia Ministry of Agriculture in the name of the Yalta City Party Committee and the Soviet.

Although surprised at why Haniyev invited the city in advance, with Voronin's coordination, the Ministry of Agriculture agreed to Yalta's invitation and planned to send a group of agricultural experts to Yalta in August to help Yalta build a world-leading grape-growing base.

Yalta's tourism and service industries have already been developed. Haniyev believes that all that is needed is to develop high-quality fruits and fine wines so that Yalta can have its own specialty gifts that can be organically combined with the former two.

Haniyev believes that developing productivity is the only way to reform. Yalta has unique ecological conditions. Although the tourism and sanatorium industries were originally aimed at officials and model workers and have not developed into a market-oriented industry, the foundation is there. As long as they can successfully transform and combine with a developed service industry, it will surely become an Internet celebrity tourist destination in Ukraine and even the Soviet Union.

The service industry, fisheries and agricultural specialties mainly based on grapes are the industrial chains that can be developed in the small place of Yalta at present. This city does not have the conditions for developing industry. Haniyev breathed a sigh of relief after hanging up the phone to arrange the work of receiving the expert group.

"Yalta is still too small. Compared to other large Eastern countries, it's only the size of a larger town or a smaller county town. It's still easy to govern. Once the Moldavian agricultural experts arrive, in at most six months, the productivity of Yalta's five grape-growing communes will be greatly improved, and the varieties will be improved. By then, we can develop two or three more grape and fruit planting bases, and another pillar industry for Yalta will be born. By then, tourism, services, grapes, and fisheries will complement each other. In time, the rise of Yalta will no longer be a dream..."

Haniyev stood up excitedly and waved his hand. "I have laid a solid foundation for Yalta. Even if I am transferred away from Yalta, as long as it develops steadily, it will be the brightest pearl of Crimea in the future. I originally thought I could make Yalta another 'Sanya', but now it seems that it may even far surpass 'Sanya'..."

More than ten days passed in a flash, and it was already mid-August 1987.

Officials from the Central Organization Department of Kyiv also came to Crimea. Haniyev, who was receiving the Leningrad observation group, had to hand over the reception task to Petrov, and he went to receive the leaders of the Central Organization Department in person.

These officials had obviously received instructions from the bigwigs, and they started the investigation after a short rest. After talking in groups with the provincial party committee and Soviet leaders, the Yalta party committee and Soviet leaders one by one, this group of officials from the Organization Department of the Central Committee returned directly to Kiev.

Then Yalta once again entered a mode of continuously receiving observation groups from all over the world.

On the afternoon of August 29, Sherbitsky again called Haniyev to the Friendship Sanatorium.

After asking about Haniyev's recent situation, Shcherbitsky stroked his stubble and asked, "Your promotion is confirmed, son. Where do you want to be the governor?"

A surge of blood suddenly rushed into Haniyev's chest, his Adam's apple moved, and he felt as if he had become a second-generation red.

"Grandpa, Grandpa, I want to be a doctor when I grow up..."

"Good boy, you are already a doctor, just wait until you grow up."

"Grandpa, I want to be a general when I grow up..."

"My child, you are already a general. Just wait until you grow up..."

If Haniyev really came from the Sherbitsky family, he might have become the governor by now.

"I...how should I put it...Old Master...Your question seems a bit sudden..."

Shcherbitsky laughed heartily. "It's rare to see you so nervous. This time you could be promoted to deputy secretary of the province, or head a committee in Kiev, or even directly become governor. Even if I help you, it will be difficult."

"So you were joking..."

Haniyev felt a little lost.

Sherbitsky smiled and said, "But if you really want to be governor, there are ways."

Haniyev's eyes lit up and he asked, "What method?"

"You're too young and lack the experience. Even if I wanted to promote you, you can't become governor directly in Ukraine. We all have to consider the impact. However, I spoke with Gorbachev on the phone a few days ago, and he's willing to keep me on the Politburo Standing Committee. I think that's his reward for my tacit approval of the reforms. If you really want to be governor now, I can transfer you to another republic. With Gorbachev's consent, you could directly serve as the head of a provincial Soviet or even First Secretary in another country. After a few years, you can be transferred back and directly serve in Kiev as a minister. After a few more years of training, you could join the Party Central Committee..."

Shcherbitsky's eyes sparkled, his long eyebrows twitched, and he asked, "What do you think?"

"Thank you, my dear father. Your arrangement is really great. I am willing to go to another republic to serve as the first secretary of a state."

Haniyev bowed in thanks with a smile on his face. Shcherbitsky nodded and said, "I'll try to get it done for you. The details of how it will be accomplished will depend on what Moscow says."

After agreeing, Haniyev returned to the municipal party committee building to wait for the letter.

Because General Secretary Gorbachev highly praised the Yalta reforms at the end of July, Haniyev was quickly touted as a "reform champion."

The propaganda departments, party media and newspapers, as well as the Ukrainian government, have continued to step up their efforts, turning the Yalta reforms into the "Yalta Experience" and promoting it to the entire party and the country.

Therefore, in August, state-level leadership groups were sent from Russia, Belarus, Kazakhstan, Georgia and other republics to Yalta to observe and learn the "Yalta Experience".

Since all the visitors were leaders, Haniyev did not dare to neglect them. Therefore, throughout August, he personally received the observation groups from various countries and states and gave personal explanations. In one month, he lost ten kilograms.

About five days later, Shcherbitsky invited Haniyev to dinner.

During the dinner, Shcherbitsky told Haniyev, "Although Gorbachev admires your abilities, he doesn't trust you because I recommended you. He's unwilling to directly promote you to the position of provincial leader. He even rejected my proposal for a remote and desolate place like Sakhalin in the Far East."

Haniyev frowned and nodded, "It's okay, old man. I think you will arrange the most suitable position for me."

"Don't be impatient, that's good."

Shcherbitsky nodded in satisfaction. "Finally, I've secured an opportunity for you. You can be transferred directly to Moscow and become a director in a ministry or committee. Your rank is the same as a Ukrainian deputy minister, but the position is more prestigious. This way, after working there for at least six months, you'll have the experience of a central government official. Then, your transition to becoming a provincial Party Secretary will be smooth and unimpeded."

"Which department do you want to go to?"

The current situation was different from what Haniyev had expected. He hesitated for a long time and asked, "Do you have any good suggestions?"

Shcherbitsky shook his head slightly. "It doesn't matter. You won't be in Moscow for long anyway. We all know it's just a springboard for you. Gorbachev knows that too. The Ministry of Finance, the Ministry of Internal Affairs, the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, the Ministry of Agriculture, the Ministry of Industry and Mining are all fine. It depends on which one you prefer."

Haniyev knew that the Soviet Union would disintegrate in a few years. His rank was too low, and the best he could do in his career was to become a leader in Ukraine during the "whale fall". He dared not even think about taking charge of the Soviet Central Committee, not only because it was too late, but more because he knew that the collapse of the Soviet Union was a foregone conclusion and irreversible.

As a Ukrainian, if the Soviet Union disappeared and the member states became independent, how would I identify myself?

The best option is to return to Ukraine early and work hard in Ukraine.

Therefore, what Sherbitsky said about visiting the state ministries in Moscow to gild himself was the right choice.

But even after a round of tour, Haniyev wanted to choose a department that would be of the greatest help to him.

The Ministry of Internal Affairs, the Ministry of Finance and other departments are definitely not places that a Ukrainian alone can get into. You can only choose a department whose minister is non-Russian.

After discussing with Shcherbitsky for a long time, Haniyev finally decided to go to the Ministry of Foreign Affairs.

"Old man, I'm going to the Ministry of Foreign Affairs!"