Servant of the People in Kyiv

The two chatted for a while, and before hanging up, Vyshevsky said, "Give Shcherbitsky a call. When I went to see the old man recently, he always asked about your recent situation when he saw me."

Haniyev was slightly moved and said, "I didn't dare to act rashly in Moscow, fearing that calling the old man would harm him. Now that I'm back in our own territory, I wanted to say hello to him."

After hanging up the phone, Haniyev did not rush to call the Friendship Sanatorium, but first called Yushchenko, Tatyana, Pristin and others one by one and made an appointment to meet.

It was already noon by the time all the personal calls were made.

Natalia called Haniyev downstairs to have lunch. He had just taken a few bites when Tatiana came running in.

The two young lovers went upstairs hand in hand. Haniyev was busy all the time until it was dark. Then he stood up, holding his waist, and prepared to go out to drink some water.

Tatiana climbed into his arms with a seductive look and asked in a low voice, "Are you going out soon?"

"how do you know?"

"My guess."

"Then do you know where I'm going?"

"You should go to Poroshenko or Nikolay. You are the most ambitious person, and you must want to get down to business when you come back. You have a share of Poroshenko's assets, so you have to ask him when you come back. Nikolay is the grandson of Sherbitsky. Given your relationship, you will definitely go to Nikolay when you come back."

Haniyev reached out and patted Tatyana's hips lightly, causing them to ripple. He said, "You are such a smart woman. It seems I have no secrets left in front of you."

"I'm your fiancée, the future Mrs. Haniyev. I don't understand how you can be a good wife to you."

Tatyana chuckled and touched Haniyev's belly again, feeling the coarse hair. She asked, "How come you've gained weight after living in Africa for two months? Is the food there good?"

Haniyev held down Tatyana's restless little hand and said, "Don't make a fuss. Although the conditions in Africa are difficult, we are, after all, the highest advisors at the vice-ministerial level. We either live in hotels or the Soviet Embassy. We eat and drink well, and we don't get much exercise. You've gained more than ten pounds."

Author's words: I caught a cold and fever today, and my whole body ached. I worked for two hours this morning and wrote more than 300 words. I took some medicine and had a nap at noon and felt much better. I finally gritted my teeth and wrote this chapter. This should be the end of today's chapter. I will write more tomorrow when I feel better. Thank you friends for your support!

Chapter 152 Call

There is a villa area in the suburbs of Kiev. It is heavily guarded and is the dormitory of state-level officials.

In the study of Building 12, Nikolay and Haniyev sat opposite each other, each with a cup of coffee in front of them.

"Drinking coffee so late at night, I don't think we need to sleep."

Haniyev jokingly asked, "Is it convenient for me to call the old man now? I haven't reported to him since I came back from abroad yet?"

Nicholas nodded. "My grandfather has been very concerned about you recently. He was very happy when he learned about what you did in Burkina Faso. He knows you are a bold and daring person and loyal to the revolution. So he called Ryzhkov and Shevardnadze and asked them to find a way to protect you. Even if Gorbachev wanted to punish you, they had to take care of you. Grandpa has high hopes for you."

As he spoke, Nicholas picked up the home line. At his request, the operator quickly connected the call to the Friendship Sanatorium in Yalta.

Shcherbitsky's slightly tired old voice sounded from the other end of the microphone -

"Hello. Who is this?"

Haniyev was not a man who was easily moved, but he had been through too much recently. After hearing Sherbitsky's voice, Haniyev couldn't help but have red eyes and said in a hoarse voice: "Old man, it's me."

"You're back."

"Yes, I arrived in Moscow on November 27th. Shevardnadze gave me leave and told me to come back and rest."

"I already know what you did in Burkina Faso. You have extraordinary courage and ability, but blindly taking risks is not good. It is not the way of a king. During the Chernobyl incident, you used Reuters and other foreign media to build momentum and manipulate public opinion. For the safety of millions of people in Kyiv and your own life, you had to take risks. Is Sankara of Burkina Faso worth such risks?

Burkina Faso is just a small country. Its friendship is not important to the Soviet Union. It is also not important to us whether a small country is a socialist regime. But you are more important to me and to Ukraine.

Haniyev heard the concern and reproach in Sherbitsky's words, and apologized in a deep voice, promising never to take such a risk again.

"It's enough for you to know fear."

Shcherbitsky said on the other end of the phone, "If Shevardnadze and Ryzhkov hadn't intervened, Gorbachev would have sent you to the Far East to work as secretaries in the mines. You'd have spent five or six years in that bitter cold. That would have wasted five or six years. Wouldn't that have significantly damaged your future?"

Haniyev said: "You have taught me a lesson. I will be more cautious in the future and will never take risks again."

Sherbitsky's dedicated telephone line was installed personally by Novikov, the head of the Ukrainian Ministry of Internal Affairs. There was no need to worry about being monitored by Moscow, so Sherbitsky spoke very freely.

"You know that Yeltsin was removed by Gorbachev?"

"I heard in Moscow that Yeltsin was a key figure in Gorbachev's reforms, yet they had a conflict. It was truly laughable."

"Yeltsin was even more radical than Gorbachev. He was the most aggressive of the Russian reformers. If Yeltsin's ideas had been followed, and the Soviet Union had emulated the United States' separation of powers and multi-party governance, and fully opened up to foreign investment and private enterprise, would the Soviet Union still be the Soviet Union?"

As a representative of the conservatives, although Sherbitsky did not oppose reform, he did not support Gorbachev's so-called reforms from the bottom of his heart, and he even scoffed at the extreme views of Yakovlev, Yeltsin and others.

"Gorbachev's reforms were never advisable. Jiang Hua in the Soviet Union has made us all aware that economic reform is the inevitable path to take, but political system reform must not be carried out haphazardly. If we follow Gorbachev's ideas and implement a multi-party system and presidential system, our Soviet Union will definitely be in chaos..."

Although Sherbitsky temporarily bowed to Gorbachev, this did not mean that he truly supported Gorbachev's reforms. He became more and more excited as he spoke.

"That old bastard Ryzhkov is just as good. He actually fantasized that Gorbachev could save the Soviet Union. I think he'll have a falling out with Gorbachev and his faction within two years. Now the radicals, led by Yeltsin, are dissatisfied with Gorbachev's reform progress, and we conservatives are unwilling to support Gorbachev's reforms. If Gorbachev continues to insist on his own way, he will sooner or later be abandoned by his friends and relatives..."

Haniyev echoed Shcherbitsky's words until he had finished speaking, then he asked weakly, "Am I really safe?"

Shcherbitsky snorted coldly, “It’s hard to say.

Gorbachev is a petty person. If you act on your own and cause a lot of trouble, he will definitely want to deal with you. However, he has just dismissed Yeltsin. If he touches you again, wouldn't that be denying his own reform achievements? So you are safe for now, but if Gorbachev remembers you later, there is no guarantee that he will punish you.

"What should I do?"

"That's easy. We can just transfer you back. You're in Ukraine, far away from Moscow, and Gorbachev won't care about you anymore."

Haniyev smiled and said, "That's great, old man. To be honest, I don't know anyone in Moscow, and working in the Ministry of Foreign Affairs feels like being shackled. I still hope to work in a local area, so that I can better display my talents. Please make arrangements and transfer me back."

Shcherbitsky snorted coldly, "We can't rush this. Although your rank is low, your reputation is great. You need to be more obedient and show Gorbachev that you are submissive and will never have ulterior motives like Yeltsin. Otherwise, if Ukraine talks about transferring you back, it will definitely alert Gorbachev."

After talking with Sherbitsky for more than half an hour, Haniyev reluctantly hung up the phone. If the old man had not been about to go to bed, he would have wanted to ask Sherbitsky to take care of the health care company to prevent it from being snatched away by the Crimean Oblast Party Committee.

At this time, Haniyev was the only one in the study. Nikolay had gone somewhere. Haniyev saw that the clock on the wall showed 10 o'clock in the evening, so he pushed the door and went downstairs.

There were two people sitting in the living room downstairs. One was Sherbitsky's grandson, Nikolay, the first deputy director of the Office of the Central Committee of Ukraine, and the other was wearing an Internal Affairs Ministry uniform. He was the First Minister of Internal Affairs, Novikov.

Haniyev and Novikov were both Sherbitsky's confidants, but there was a big age gap between them, so they had never had a personal relationship and were not very familiar with each other. After greeting the two, Haniyev left.

Chapter 153 Father and son talk at night

It was already 11 o'clock in the evening when Haniyev returned home, but the lights in the house were still on.

Taking out the key and opening the door, Haniyev saw his father, mother, and younger brothers and sisters sitting on the sofa watching TV. They usually went to bed before 10 o'clock, but they didn't rest today and were obviously waiting for him.

After hugging his family members one by one, Haniyev ruffled his sister's curly hair and asked, "Victoria, how are your studies going? Are you confident that you can get into Taras Shevchenko National University of Kyiv next year?"

Taras Shevchenko National University of Kyiv is the highest institution of learning in Ukraine. Together with Moscow State University and Leningrad State University, it is known as one of the three major universities of the Soviet Union. As long as you can graduate from these three universities and have a good background, your future will be bright.

Victoria's academic performance is good, but there is still a gap between her and the admission to Kyiv National University. Therefore, she changed from a day student to a boarding student this year, so that she can have more time to study so that she can be admitted to Kyiv National University.

Victoria shrugged. "I've made a lot of progress academically, but I don't know if I can pass the exam. I heard that if I can get a letter of recommendation from the Minister of Education, I can enroll directly without taking the exam. Brother, don't you know Shcherbitsky? Perhaps you can help me get a letter of recommendation?"

Vladimir and Natalia stared at Haniyev, obviously hoping that their eldest son would agree to their younger daughter's request.

Haniyev frowned slightly and said, "I believe that people should do things according to their abilities. I know Secretary Shcherbitsky, and he could probably get a letter of recommendation if he just gave me a heads-up, but I don't want to do that."

Victoria was always a little afraid of her elder brother and didn't dare to say anything. She just looked at her mother with tears in her eyes.

Natalia said, "Which of the children from the aristocratic families in Kyiv didn't graduate from Kyiv State University? Are they all good students who got in? They got into the state university with letters of recommendation. They have connections and connections. Why are you unwilling to do something for your sister just because you have connections and connections?"

Haniyev snorted and said sternly, "I'm a member of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union and have great ideals and ambitions. Now that I haven't even reached a high position, I'm already abusing my power for personal gain. How can I ever win the support of the people?"

Victoria pouted and said, "If we don't tell anyone, who will know? Besides, don't all the leaders with connections do this?"

“There is no impenetrable wall in the world. Even if no one knows it now, someone will know it in the future.”

Haniyev shook his head and said, "You'll have to rely on yourself to get into university. Don't worry about letters of recommendation. Your second brother and I are both students at national universities, but we're both doing well, aren't we?"

Victoria stopped talking and went to bed angrily.

Natalia sighed softly, knowing that her eldest son was a man of his own ideas, and stopped trying to persuade him.

Sidlov admired his eldest brother Haniyev the most and said, "Brother, calm down. Victoria is ignorant. Nowadays, students compete with their classmates for food, clothing, and connections. You don't need to worry about her. If she doesn't have the ability to get into a national university, she can go to other universities. Just like you said just now, we didn't get into a national university, but we are still doing well. Brother, you graduated from a technical secondary school and became the director of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs. I graduated from an ordinary university and became an engineer, right?"

Vladimir didn't care whether his eldest son was willing to get a letter of recommendation for his daughter, because even if he asked Sherbitsky to intervene and get the letter of recommendation, the eldest son would owe the old secretary a favor, which he would have to repay in the future.

He took out a box of Marlboro, took out two cigarettes and handed them to his two sons. Sidlov took out his lighter and lit the cigarettes for his father and eldest brother first, and then for himself.

Seeing the three men smoking, Natalia snorted coldly and stood up to leave: "Open the window later to let the smell out."

Although Vladimir didn't care about his two sons smoking and drinking, he never gave them cigarettes. However, since Haniyev went down to become the secretary, Vladimir's attitude towards his two sons changed, and he was especially respectful to his eldest son.

Blowing out a smoke ring, Vladimir asked, "Your visit to Burkina Faso has made a lot of headlines both at home and abroad. What's going on? Didn't you say you were going to invest in gold mines? How did it get involved with Sankara's revolution?"

Vladimir was only a bureau-level official in the Soviet Union. He did not have access to the highest and latest information, so he had no idea about Haniyev's specific situation in Burkina Faso.

Although Haniyev did not want to make his family worry, he was even more unwilling to hide this matter, so he told them that he had taken Potanin to Burkina Faso to invest in gold mines, and at the same time he discovered that senior cadres in Burkina Faso were planning a military coup, so he was forced to get involved and could only help Sankara launch the revolution.

Haniyev's statement was basically the same as what he had said at the KGB at 11 Lubyanka Square.

After listening to Haniyev's story, Sidlov looked at his elder brother with admiration.

Haniyev traveled all over foreign countries, helped a suffering head of state to launch a revolution, strategized and turned defeat into victory, and transformed himself into a vice-state-level leader of a foreign country. This is really like a novel about a legendary character. Such a big brother is admirable.

Vladimir knew most of it, though the details were vague. He nodded and said, "I heard that France is very angry about your actions. The Ministry of Foreign Affairs has protested to the Soviet Union many times, and the General Secretary is furious about it. Will you face any punishment?"

"Probably not. One reason is that both Sherbitsky and Shevardnadze put in a lot of effort to negotiate for me. The other, and most important, reason is that the General Secretary dismissed Yeltsin from his position as First Secretary of Moscow. Now, for the sake of face, the General Secretary won't bring up the past and touch me again..."

Haniyev also knew that the circle of people he could reach had exceeded that of his father, so he told everyone he knew.

Vladimir pondered for a moment, dusted off his cigarette, and said, "Your speculation makes sense, but you can't stay in Moscow for long. Hanging around in front of the General Secretary, if he ever remembers you, he might find a reason to deal with you. I think you should ask Shcherbitsky to transfer you back. You're in Ukraine, far from Moscow, and an official in a republic. You're definitely safer than in Moscow, right?"

Haniyev smiled.

"You and Shcherbitsky share the same opinion. I feel the same way, but the old secretary said we can't rush this matter. Yeltsin's betrayal just happened, and I was very close to Shcherbitsky before. He's worried that transferring me back to Ukraine now will arouse Gorbachev's vigilance and disgust. So the old secretary told me to keep a low profile and be obedient, so that I can have a chance."

Chapter 154 The Benefits of Resistance and the Benefits of Submission

After listening to what Haniyev said about Sherbitsky, Vladimir repeated it in a low voice.

"Son, Secretary Shcherbitsky explicitly told you to be low-key and obey Gorbachev?"

"That should be what it means, what's wrong?"

Haniyev noticed his father's seriousness and asked curiously, "Is there any deep meaning in this?"

Vladimir, who has experienced a political struggle and was suppressed and liquidated as the defeated party, now has a much greater political acumen than Haniyev.

His eyes lit up, and he took a deep puff, then threw away the cigarette butt. Puffing smoke from his mouth and nose, he said, "You and Yeltsin are both examples of the economic reforms launched by General Secretary Gorbachev. 'Small cities should learn from Yalta in reform, and large cities should learn from Moscow in reform.' This slogan is still hanging all over the country.

You see, now Yeltsin has been dismissed by the General Secretary because his reform ideas are not in line with the General Secretary. If Yeltsin does not turn back, it will be difficult for him to be reused, and he may even be dismissed by the General Secretary.

However, Yeltsin had a high rank and was a pioneer of reform. He was very prestigious among the intellectuals and officials in our Soviet Union who were most eager for reform. If he had embarked on the path of confrontation with Gorbachev and blindly advocated rapid and large-scale reforms, he would have quickly accumulated some reputation and gained the support of many people. Even if he could not become a high-ranking official, he would have had great influence.

In this way, when the economic reform reaches its later stages, that is, when the political system is reformed, Yeltsin will still come to power, and his status will not be lower than it is now...

My child, your level and qualifications are far inferior to Yeltsin's. You are not suitable for this path of confrontation, and this path has already been taken by Yeltsin.

So the path that suits you is the path of obedience.

As another advanced example of economic reform, you should show your confidence, admiration and support for Gorbachev's reforms at this time. You should find a way to express your position in front of major media and let Gorbachev know your attitude, so as to reverse the negative impact of Yeltsin's criticism of the reforms. Your obedience will make Gorbachev forget all the previous unpleasantness, and you will surely be successful because of your obedience.

I think this is the deeper meaning of what Secretary Shcherbitsky said.”

After hearing what his father said, Haniyev fell into deep thought.

In the original historical line, Yeltsin would have taken the path of opposition because of his dissatisfaction with Gorbachev's reforms. He would have been gradually removed from core positions by Gorbachev and finally demoted. However, Yeltsin also began to openly attack Gorbachev's unfavorable reforms and promote his rapid reform line, thereby winning the support of a large number of intellectuals and people who blindly worship Western capitalism.

He eventually gained the support and nomination of the radicals, and served as the Chairman of the Supreme Soviet of Russia. On August 19, 1991, he seized the highest power in the Soviet Union, putting Gorbachev under house arrest. A few days later, the member republics became independent one after another, and the huge red empire of the Soviet Union also began to disintegrate.

Although his father and Sherbitsky did not know what the future would hold, the Soviet Union was united at the moment, and almost everyone hoped that reforms would effectively change the country's problems and improve people's lives. However, the conservatives tended to support Andropov's gradual reforms, which required reforms from the economy to the political system in accordance with the basic principles of socialism and the Soviet Union's special national conditions.

Gorbachev and other so-called reformers demanded to learn from the West blindly, believing that everything in Western developed countries was the best. They wanted to open up to foreign investment, transform the collective economy into a market economy, and reform the political system, replacing the one-party system with a multi-party system, replacing the existence of the party and the Soviet with the power structure of the president, prime minister and parliament, replacing party promotion and appointment with democratic elections, and so on.

Among the reformers, those headed by Gorbachev were prepared to cross the river by feeling the stones and see what was happening as they went. Even radicals such as Yeltsin were more radical. They demanded the complete overthrow of everything that existed in the Soviet Union, directly copying the advanced experience of the United States, and even hiring American experts to help the Soviet Union carry out reforms.

All wise people saw that the Soviet Union's reform was an inevitable trend and unstoppable, but how to reform remained an unclear issue.

However, no matter how it changes, learning from the West is the current main route. Yeltsin's demands also meet the demands of most current intellectuals and officials and people who are dissatisfied with everything about the Soviet Union. It is inevitable that Yeltsin will get the support of many people.

Yeltsin was indeed a man born for the times, and even Gorbachev could not suppress his rise.

Yeltsin's personality, status and cognition were suitable for him to confront Gorbachev and profit from the confrontation. Haniyev's status and nationality determined that he was not suitable to follow Yeltsin's example and jump out to confront him. Instead, he showed obedience to the General Secretary's line and policies, and thus was appreciated and reused.

Haniyev felt that his father's analysis was very accurate, and it was something he had never thought of before.

"But if Secretary Shcherbitsky really wanted me to express my support and obedience to Gorbachev's reforms, completely contrary to Yeltsin's attitude, then why didn't he make it clearer? If it weren't for you, Dad, I don't think I would still be unaware of the old man's true intentions and might have missed the opportunity."

Vladimir sighed softly, "Yes, you now support the General Secretary's reforms with an attitude completely opposite to Yeltsin's, which proves that the General Secretary's reforms are correct. But why didn't Sherbitsky tell you clearly, but only told you to keep a low profile and obey?

I think it was probably because Sherbitsky looked down on Gorbachev's reforms, so he couldn't really ask you to openly support the reforms, or even to be a cheerleader for Gorbachev's reforms."

Vladimir shook his head slightly and said, "Great people are always conflicted. The old secretary wants to protect you, but he doesn't want to betray his principles. Facing General Secretary Gorbachev, he must be very tormented."

When the Soviet Union began to decline continuously, both Gorbachev and Shcherbitsky wanted to save the Soviet Union, but Gorbachev wanted to change the path, thinking that the path called "capitalism" would bring the Soviet Union back to life, while Shcherbitsky wanted to step on the brakes, and Yeltsin wanted to dismantle the car.