Servant of the People in Kyiv

Haniyev felt that if he had thought about becoming a driver and stepped on the brakes ten or twenty years earlier, he would have dared to think about it, but now it was too late.

Haniyev felt that all he could do was try his best to preserve the remains of the Soviet truck from being too severely damaged when it crashed, and then inherit the equipment of the truck to the greatest extent possible.

Chapter 155 Remittance

After receiving guidance from his father Vladimir, Haniyev understood what he should do at this time and place to gain the most political benefits.

As a person with lofty ideals and ambitions, Haniyev never sticks to temporary gains and losses, nor does he care about words and deeds against his will, because compared with saving a country and nation, compared with grasping the right to reach the top, suffering a little grievance is really nothing.

In the following days, Haniyev was busy meeting or talking on the phone with his old friends every day.

It turned out that the relationship between colleagues in the Chernobyl area was very good. Since Haniyev had been transferred from Kiev, these old colleagues and subordinates still came to visit his home with gifts. He also called them to greet them and invited them to go on vacation to Yalta.

Although Haniyev is no longer the head of Yalta, he is still being reused rather than transferred or demoted. Whether according to political rules or because of the favor of the old people he promoted who are still in office, he can still control half of Yalta for the time being. What's more, in order to continue to control the health care company, Haniyev specially kept Vyshevsky in the local area to serve as the secretary and director of the Health and Social Care Committee and general manager of the health care company.

In Yalta, even if Haniyev has left, he is still able to have some say. To be frank, as for the health care company, even the city party secretary and the mayor do not have as much influence as Haniyev.

Haniyev also wanted to repay his old colleagues, subordinates, relatives and friends in some way, so he planned to invite them to Yalta for vacation and entertainment around the New Year.

Since Haniyev was already engaged to Tatyana before his last trip to Moscow, although the two families only had a meal together, theoretically Tatyana was Haniyev's fiancée.

Time was running out at that time, and after getting engaged, Haniyev went to Moscow to take up his post.

After returning this time, the Haniyev family and Tatyana's family sat together again to decide on the date for their wedding. The wedding will be held around the New Year, and then the newlyweds will go on vacation to Azerbaijan, Central Asia and other countries.

So a year after discussing all the marriage matters, the two families had a meal together, but Tatyana did not go back with her family, but stayed at Haniyev's house.

From an identity perspective, there is no problem with this.

In the next few days, Haniyev got an early taste of married life.

For ordinary Soviet people, the first thing a couple had to solve when they wanted to get married was the issue of a wedding house. Although the Soviets did not object to the family living together after marriage, for convenience, most young couples would still ask for a home of their own.

However, the Soviet Union is now short of resources and housing distribution is a big problem, so the vast majority of people in the country are dissatisfied with housing, food, income and other aspects.

However, the Haniyev family does not need to worry about this problem. Vladimir's status and position are enough to get his son a dormitory in the Agricultural Committee's family compound, but Haniyev may not be interested in such an old house.

Even if he didn't rely on his father, with Haniyev's current status and position, wherever he went to work, the organization would assign him a dormitory with a decent size, complete appliances, and ready for him to move in, and all water, electricity and gas charges would be free during his stay.

Therefore, when Haniyev was getting married, his parents never considered buying a wedding house for him. They only needed to plan to invite relatives, friends and colleagues to attend their son's wedding.

On the sixth day after returning home, Haniyev met with Poroshenko and borrowed money from him, bringing back 8 rubles. Together with the money given by his family, Haniyev had collected 10 rubles. He only needed 40 rubles from Vyshevsky to raise the 50 rubles required to invest in the gold mine.

When Haniyev returned home, before he had time to drink a sip of water, Tatyana ran into his arms.

"Dear Victor, you are finally back. I haven't seen you for five hours."

It was Thursday, and no one was home. His mother had gone out to buy groceries. Haniyev held Tatiana tenderly for a long time, until Tatiana blushed and begged for mercy. Haniyev then withdrew his fingers and said with a wicked smile, "I'll deal with you tonight."

Tatyana rested in Haniyev's arms for a moment, then looked up and said, "Your friend Yuri called just now and said he brought back the money you asked for. I don't know when you'll be back, so tell him to wait for your call."

Haniyev patted Tatyana's butt: "Get up, I'll call Yuri back."

Going to the phone, Haniyev dialed the Vyshevskys' number.

After two rings, the phone was connected and Visheski's voice rang out: "Hello, who is it?"

"It's me, Yuri."

"Oh, Victor, your fiancée answered the phone when I called you. When are you getting married?"

"The time has been set. It's before the New Year. I'll let you know once the date is set. Yuri, have you brought the money?"

"Yes, 40, not a penny less. Do you want it now? I'll send it to you."

"Hmm...wait a minute, let me call Yushchenko and ask."

After hanging up the phone, Haniyev called Yushchenko again.

Although Haniyev had told Yushchenko two days ago that he would remit a huge sum of money to Moscow as start-up capital for the Burkina Faso gold mine, but when the time came and the huge sum of 40 was involved, he still had to give another heads-up.

After receiving the call, Yushchenko said, "I've already told my colleagues in Moscow. Is it 50 rubles? It shouldn't be a problem. Just come with the money."

Only after getting Yushchenko's guarantee did Haniyev make an appointment with Vyshevsky to meet at the headquarters of the National Bank in Kyiv.

It was very troublesome for Soviet citizens to remit money, and large amounts of remittances would even attract investigation by the KGB. However, since Haniyev had connections, it was naturally easy to handle.

About an hour later, with the help of Yushchenko, the 40 rubles brought by Vyshevsky and the 10 rubles brought by Haniyev were counted by the bank staff and directly transferred to the account of the First Mining Company at the Moscow headquarters.

After transferring the money, Haniyev invited Yushchenko and Vyshevsky to have lunch at a nearby milk bar, and informed Potanin as soon as he got home.

Nowadays, bank transfers are delayed and may not arrive until the next day. There is no reminder function, so you have to go to the bank to check.

The next morning, Haniyev finally breathed a sigh of relief after Potanin called to confirm that 50 rubles had been found. The 100 million start-up capital of the First Mining Company was already in place, and Potanin had also prepared the equipment and personnel. At most, the equipment and personnel would take a boat to Burkina Faso in half a month, and perhaps the benefits would be seen next year.

Chapter 156: Flattering with Interviews

On December 10, Haniyev, who was sleeping in his bedroom with his sweet and soft fiancée in his arms, was awakened by his brother's shouting outside the door.

"Brother, the Ministry of Foreign Affairs is calling for you."

Haniyev was startled and no longer sleepy. He quickly sat up, put on a piece of clothing, and pushed the door open and walked out.

When I walked into the living room, my father, mother and sister were eating at the dining table, and the phone next to the TV had been picked up.

Walking over and picking up the microphone, Haniyev just said hello when he heard Peter's voice.

"Director, the director asked me to inform you to come back as soon as possible."

"what happened?"

"Libya's defense minister is in Moscow to purchase air defense weapons. He's accompanied by Gaddafi's eldest son, Mohammed Gaddafi. He wants to meet with you on behalf of Gaddafi. The director and the minister believe Gaddafi is very interested in your assistance to Sankara, so he wants to talk to you about something. The KGB and the Ministry of Internal Affairs have agreed to your meeting, so please return as soon as possible."

The Great Socialist People's Libyan Arab Jamahiriya was a country established by Omar Muammar Gaddafi after a successful military coup in 1977. Although the word "socialism" is in the name of this country, it promotes Gaddafi's "Third World Theory", also known as the Green Book.

The Green Paper advocates that the Islamic world and the Pan-Arab world unite or even unify in order to compete with the Western countries led by capitalism and the Eastern countries led by communism.

Gaddafi was a very strange person. He was keen on African affairs and wanted to be the voice of Africa and the Arab world. At the same time, he strongly opposed the old overlord France's intervention in Africa. Therefore, after Sankara's coup was successful, Gaddafi was the only African head of state to provide military support and assistance to Sankara.

It can be said that there is more or less the shadow of Gaddafi behind the Sankara regime. As the highest adviser to the Burkina Faso Total Revolutionary Committee, Haniyev is well aware of this.

It is in Libya's interest if Gaddafi's Western Africa can focus more on resisting France's revolutionary regime and less on licking France's puppet regime. When he was in Ouagadougou, Haniyev heard that the Libyan ambassador had repeatedly expressed his desire to visit him, but at that time France was protesting against his interference in Burkina Faso's affairs, so Haniyev did not dare to contact the Libyans.

Unexpectedly, the Libyans who I had not seen in Africa actually came to Moscow more than half a month later.

Haniyev knew that Gaddafi was a man lacking reason and wisdom, and that when he was young, he advocated the organic combination of Pan-Arabism and socialism. After his power was consolidated, he gradually turned into a madman who abandoned socialism and engaged in dictatorship and self-aggrandizement.

At this time, Gaddafi had already embarked on the path of self-aggrandizement. Five years ago, when Gaddafi visited Khitan, he secretly changed his itinerary and was very rude when interviewing Mr. Xixian. Of course, this was due to his resentment that he wanted to buy nuclear weapons from Khitan but was not able to do so, but more importantly, he had become so arrogant that he lost his mind.

At this time, Gaddafi had already offended Khitan and France, and his relations with Britain and the United States had been at a freezing point since the founding of the country and continued to deteriorate. When the Lockerbie air crash instigated by Gaddafi broke out next year, Britain, France and the United States would all be angered and would take comprehensive sanctions against Libya.

Logically speaking, Gaddafi had offended four of the five permanent members of the UN Security Council, so he should have clung to the Soviet Union. However, when Chechnya demanded independence after the collapse of the Soviet Union, Gaddafi began to openly support Chechnya's independence like a crazy Muslim believer.

Later, when speaking at the United Nations, Gaddafi openly criticized the five permanent members and tore up the UN Charter. Since then, the five permanent members and many regional powers have been extremely disgusted with Gaddafi. Finally, in 2011, Gaddafi got what he asked for.

Haniyev was unwilling to get involved with a man like Gaddafi who could not be judged by common sense and was destined to be a troublemaker. However, now that Libya had openly asked to meet him through diplomatic means, he had no choice but to give him face.

So after hanging up the phone, Haniyev immediately bought a plane ticket and flew back to Moscow at noon the next day.

Before Haniyev boarded the plane, he specially visited Nikolay. After the two discussed for a long time, Nikolay agreed to help Haniyev contact TASS and the Ukrainian National News Agency to ask them to conduct an exclusive interview with Haniyev. The content of the interview would then be broadcast on Ukrainian TV. As for whether Russia could broadcast it, Ukraine only had the right to recommend it, and Haniyev had to return to Moscow to find connections.

Haniyev sought this exclusive interview just to express his position. At the critical moment when Yeltsin was criticizing reform, he advocated reform as a model of advanced reform in order to reverse the negative impact caused by Yeltsin's criticism of Gorbachev's reform.

Many times, if you want to do something, you have to fight for it on your own. Haniyev has experienced many struggles and compromises along the way, but at every important turning point, he relied on his own active efforts to open up the situation.

This time, Yeltsin took the path of confronting Gorbachev and gaining continuous benefits, while Haniyev did the opposite and was prepared to benefit from supporting and obeying the General Secretary's reforms.

"Learn from Yalta for small city reform and from Moscow for big city reform." This sentence proposed by Gorbachev gave rise to the "Yalta Experience" and the "Moscow Experience" in the Soviet Union. The reputations of Haniyev and Yeltsin also gained a huge boost. At this time, Yeltsin changed direction, and Haniyev's persistence seemed invaluable, even like a timely help.

After returning to Moscow, Haniyev first reported to the ministry, because what Libya wanted to buy this time was an air defense missile system, basically a full set of Soviet-made portable air defense missile systems such as U-23-4, "Arrow-2M", "Arrow-3", and "Needle-1".

This was also a big order for the Soviet Union, so the eldest son and Libyan officials such as the Minister of Defense and the Minister of Finance went to the troops to inspect the performance of the entire set of weapons of the defense system at the warm invitation and accompaniment of the Soviet Ministry of Foreign Affairs, Ministry of Defense, and the military.

Haniyev could only wait for Gaddafi's eldest son and others to return before summoning them.

At this time, Haniyev began to urge Nikolay, so about the second day after Haniyev returned to Moscow, a reporter from the Ukrainian National News Agency conducted an exclusive interview with Haniyev. In name, the interview was to let Haniyev share the Yalta experience, but in fact it was just to provide Haniyev with a platform, a platform to brag about Gorbachev's reforms and express support and obedience to Gorbachev.

After that sentence and the "Yalta Experience" appeared, Haniyev gave many exclusive interviews, but all his previous speeches were not as blunt and humble as this one. If Haniyev was sharing his reform experience in the previous interviews, then this time he was purely flattering Gorbachev.

Chapter 157 No One Understands the Soviet Union Better Than Me

The interview ended quickly. If everything goes well, it will be broadcast on Ukrainian National Television in half a month after editing and review.

In the past, Haniyev mainly talked about methods and achievements in interviews with media at all levels. Even the Reuters interview conducted by Anatoly only boasted about the reforms a little and emphasized the achievements to show his image as a pragmatist. However, this interview became a conference for Haniyev to brag about Gorbachev himself and the reform policies he promoted.

Haniyev took the initiative to seek this interview and did a lot of work on Nikolay for this purpose. His purpose was to let General Secretary Gorbachev see his obedience and create a contrast and comparison with Yeltsin, so that Gorbachev would no longer hate him, and at the same time he could also win a brighter future for himself.

Because the starting point was clear, this interview with Haniyev had only one theme, which was to flatter Gorbachev, and it was a naked flattery.

This is not because Haniyev is obsessed with power, but because after learning that Yeltsin was dismissed, Haniyev realized that the collapse of the Soviet Union was imminent, but he was now just a small cadre between the department and bureau level. If he wanted to grasp the highest power in Ukraine in the great changes of the Soviet Union's disintegration three or four years later, and to preserve the country's and nation's assets from being snatched away by foreigners and capitalists in this socialist catastrophe, and to prevent the collapse of ideology and values, Haniyev had to climb faster, and for this he did not hesitate to flatter.

However, even though Haniyev has been flattering Gorbachev and his reforms very blatantly, he is still not afraid that people will find him corny.

Because the current Soviet system had already lost the support of the people, after the death of Emperor Andropov and his accession to the throne, almost all the people were looking forward to reform, hoping that the country could improve people's livelihood through reform, change the phenomenon of bureaucratic privilege and corruption, and change the contradiction and conflict between material life and people's desire for a better life.

Therefore, the Soviet Union's reform actually began in the Andropov period. It's just that in the later period of each dynasty, the monarchs were mostly short-lived and had no descendants. Andropov was very wise, and his reforms were a good way to prolong the life of the Soviet Union. Unfortunately, his life was too short, and he passed away after only two years as general secretary.

His successor, Chernenko, died even younger than Andropov, not having served for a full year before meeting Comrade Lenin.

Because of the leader's sudden death and the lack of time to train a true successor, Gorbachev came to power in the chaotic struggle.

Gorbachev also implemented reforms, but his reforms were different from those of his predecessors.

But no matter who carries out the reform, for the Soviet people who now have to queue up to eat bread that is not moldy, anyone who carries out the reform is a good leader.

So except for radicals like Yeltsin, most Soviet people were still full of confidence in Gorbachev's reforms and believed that these reforms could save the Soviet Union.

With such a mass base, Haniyev's flattery will not be so disgusting. People will only think that he is a reformer who truly supports reform, is willing to reform and is capable of reform.

Therefore, the reason why conservatives like Sherbitsky were unable to defeat reformers like Gorbachev was not only the imbalance of power and status, but more importantly the will of the people.

Unfortunately, Gorbachev's reforms were neither fish nor fowl and could not solve the Soviet Union's problems at all. They even made the Soviet Union weaker. Therefore, he and the Communist Party of the Soviet Union quickly lost the support of the people and eventually perished completely.

It can be said that the greater the expectations of the Soviet people for Gorbachev's reforms, the greater their disappointment will be in a few years, and their anger will be ten or a hundred times greater.

The October Revolution of 1917 succeeded overnight, seizing power from Tsarist Russia, establishing a great red regime, and developing into a powerful red empire.

After the August 19th Incident in 1991, Yeltsin stepped onto the highest stage of the Soviet Union overnight and took control of the entire situation. Within a few months, countries became independent one after another, and a huge empire quickly fell apart. Gorbachev, the General Secretary of the Winter Palace, could only announce the dissolution of the Soviet Union on December 25.

Such a powerful regime, such a large country, such a huge economy, it still could not escape the fate of extinction and the law of natural development.

Recalling the history of the Soviet Union and its future destiny, Haniyev only had this sentence from the Khitan "Zuo Zhuan" in his mind:

"Its rise was sudden, and its fall was sudden..."

No one understands the Soviet Union better than Haniyev, because he actually witnessed the demise of the Soviet Union with his own eyes.

After returning to his dormitory and staying there for two days, Haniyev, lacking the company of family and friends, could only drink with the gatekeeper Uncle Gorky, so he was drunk for two days.

On the third day, Haniyev was still sleeping in when the bedside phone rang.

"Victor, hurry up and get up. Several fancy cars and police escorts have arrived. They say they're here to pick you up."

Haniyev suddenly woke up and asked, "What's that flag on the car?"

"There's the flag of our Soviet Union and one of Libya."

"Okay, please tell them I'll be downstairs right away."

Haniyev quickly brushed his teeth, washed up, put on a white shirt and black suit, and hurried downstairs.

As soon as he got out of the elevator, Haniyev saw some bearded men with Arab features standing in front of the elevator. Behind them were some Libyan bodyguards and Ministry of Internal Affairs police, and Gorky was also beside them.

Seeing Haniyev coming out, Gorky said, "Leaders, Haniyev has come out."

After whispering for a while with the bearded officer in charge, a Libyan translator walked up to Haniyev and said, "Hello, Director Haniyev.

I am the translator for the Libyan Ministry of Foreign Affairs. This is our Deputy Foreign Minister Abdullah, our Deputy Defense Minister Ibrahim. Our eldest son, on behalf of His Excellency Gaddafi, the Supreme Leader of the Revolution and Supreme Commander of the Armed Forces, invites you to the Leningrad Hotel for a meeting."

Haniyev knew that the Libyan representative's meeting with him had been approved by the Ministry of Foreign Affairs and the Central Committee, but he could not meet with Gaddafi Jr. alone, lest something be unclear and cause Gorbachev to misunderstand, which would be troublesome.

"I am an official from the Soviet Ministry of Foreign Affairs. If I want to talk to your country's senior leaders, I need to be accompanied by our Arabic translator and colleagues from the African Department of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs."

The translator turned to the two ministers for instructions and said, "Please rest assured. We have already sent a car to invite Kuzhugaitsky, the translator from the African Department. We will strictly follow diplomatic protocol and will not embarrass your country or Director Haniyev."

The Libyans were very humble, and Haniyev did not insist. He smiled and shook hands with them one by one, then said hello to Gorky and got into the Libyans' car and left.

Chapter 158 Gaddafi’s Gift

Haniyev entered the Leningrad Hotel at about 9:30.