Servant of the People in Kyiv

Chapter 191: Utilizing Intellectuals

Since 1985, Sherbitsky has always been disdainful when talking about Gorbachev and his reforms. After 1986, his opinion of Gorbachev continued to deteriorate, and he became very excited when talking about him, and the more he talked, the more excited he became.

After criticizing Gorbachev and the so-called reforms, Sherbitsky began to curse Gorbachev and other reformist advisers such as Ligachev, Mlynnazh, and Yakovlev.

Obviously, as political opponents and opponents of governing philosophy, Sherbitsky's hatred for these people has reached a deep-seated level.

However, Sherbitsky was not cursing just to vent his anger. In his hunch, he really believed that the reforms of Gorbachev and others were self-destructive.

Although he knew that Gorbachev and others were pushing the Soviet Union towards the cliff, Sherbitsky, who was in danger himself, was unable to stop them.

Impatience and anxiety had caused Sherbitsky to suffer from insomnia for a long time, and his personality became more and more sensitive and suspicious. As a result, he began to worry about and test many of his subordinates whom he originally trusted.

Sherbitsky was finally relieved after confirming that Haniyev had no intention of joining Gulenko.

After listening to Sherbitsky's venting for a long time, Haniyev was full of admiration: The old man saw it very realistically and predicted it well. Gorbachev's reforms did destroy the Soviet Union. If the Soviet Union had always adopted the conservative reform and progressive reform, the Soviet Union would never have disintegrated in 1991, and would have lasted for more than ten years.

Perhaps Sherbitsky still thought he could wait patiently, until Gorbachev's reforms failed and his authority was destroyed, and then the conservatives would come to the fore and rebuild the country.

If the Soviet Union had not collapsed, as Gorbachev did more and more evil things, it was inevitable that many high-ranking officials of the Soviet Communist Party could not tolerate Gorbachev, otherwise the August 8.19th Incident would not have broken out.

However, no one could have imagined that due to the successful export of ideology by NATO, led by the United States, and the incompetence of Gorbachev and others, the Soviet Union was on the verge of collapse in just a few years. Coupled with the formation of national independence forces in various republics, the Soviet Union was on the verge of disintegration before Gorbachev stepped down. The conservatives had no chance to save the country.

The fate of the Soviet Union was like an old man who was seriously ill. Although his body was gradually weakening, he still had a few years to live. However, Gorbachev chose surgery and chemotherapy to treat the disease. The old man's vitality declined rapidly in a short period of time, and he suddenly died within a few days.

If no one had actually witnessed the collapse of the Soviet Union with their own eyes, I am afraid no one would dare to believe that the Soviet Union would disappear from the world three years later. Therefore, the choice of conservative leaders and senior officials such as Sherbitsky to endure and wait was indeed a solution. However, they did not expect that fate did not give the Soviet Union a chance, nor did it leave them a chance.

After accompanying Sherbitsky in criticizing Gorbachev's reforms for more than half an hour, Haniyev finally saw a smile on the old man's face, and he seemed to be somewhat relieved.

Sherbitsky took a sip from his teacup to moisten his throat, then said gently, "You're still young. It wouldn't be a bad idea to spend a couple of years at the vice-provincial level. Be patient, and there will be opportunities."

When Haniyev came, he knew that Sherbitsky was very concerned about promoting him to the deputy provincial level. The provincial leadership position was very important and must be decided by the First Secretary of Ukraine and reported to the Central Organization Department in Moscow. Therefore, if Gulenko did not cooperate, Sherbitsky would not be able to influence the personnel appointments at the provincial level.

What's more, what Haniyev wants to do is to become the governor of Kharkiv, which is very difficult for Sherbitsky now.

However, Haniyev's visit this time was not to embarrass the old secretary, but to help the old secretary come back and take charge of the central power of Ukraine.

Holding the teacup, Haniyev blew out the white smoke, took a sip, and said, "Old man, I know your worries and troubles. To be honest, I personally want to make progress and want to do something for the people. You know this, but the more important thing about my visit this time is that I want to tell you some of my thoughts. I think Gulenko is a compromiser. He can't do the job of Ukraine's First Secretary. If he follows Gorbachev's reforms, it will destroy the achievements you have worked hard to build in Ukraine. Haven't you always wanted to leave the country?"

I want to help you!"

Before Haniyev finished speaking, Sherbitsky became a little excited.

"What good idea have you come up with?"

Last year, Sherbitsky repeatedly expressed his willingness to make renewed efforts. He once summoned his grandson and some of his close ministerial confidants in Kyiv to the sanatorium to discuss countermeasures, and also asked Haniyev to offer advice.

At that time, Haniyev proposed that domestic and foreign media and writers carry out extensive publicity and reporting on Sherbitsky, in order to guide the Ukrainian people in a positive way to arouse their gratitude for Sherbitsky's decades of work and achievements, and to inspire their support and remembrance for the old secretary.

In order to promote Sherbitsky, Haniyev paid out of his own pocket to ask Reuters to be the first to report on Ukraine's ousted First Secretary Sherbitsky in international news. On the surface, the report reviewed Sherbitsky's work as the First Secretary for more than ten years, and stated that he was forced to stay away from the stage of highest power because of the ideological dispute over reform and the Chernobyl incident.

This review summarizes Sherbitsky's work achievements. Over the past decade, Ukraine's economy has continued to soar, making it one of the fastest-growing economies among all the Soviet republics. Industrial production has increased nearly fivefold, agricultural product output has nearly doubled, and the population has increased to 5131 million in 1986. Before Sherbitsky resigned as the First Secretary of Ukraine, Ukraine's steel production accounted for 34% of the Soviet Union's total production, iron accounted for 40%, and grain accounted for 25%. The comprehensive industrial output value was close to 30% of the Soviet Union.

From a horizontal comparison of population, area and resources, Ukraine has become one of the most important members of the Soviet family under the leadership of Sherbitsky, and its importance is still rising.

The information disclosed by the Western media was like a bomb that woke up Ukrainians and many Soviet people.

Everyone suddenly realized that Secretary Sherbitsky had worked silently for decades, dedicated half his life to Ukraine, and had indeed made many real achievements that benefited the country and the people. Such cadres are good cadres and are good students left by Comrade Lenin to the Soviet people.

Many Ukrainian intellectuals who had always regarded Western opinions as the truth began to soften their attitudes at that time. They no longer hated Shcherbitsky and began to publicly and objectively and even praise Shcherbitsky in various media newspapers and magazines.

At that time, many Ukrainian people did feel sympathy and gratitude towards the old secretary, and Sherbitsky's reputation was improved by several levels.

When Sherbitsky learned that he had received rave reviews at home and abroad, he was very happy. Although he could not get out of retirement for the time being, with this high evaluation at home and abroad, Sherbitsky was confident that Gorbachev would no longer have the courage and boldness to remove him from the Soviet Presidium and the Central Political Bureau. As long as he retained these two positions, he would still be the leader of the Soviet Union. If he endured, he would naturally have a chance.

Therefore, for more than a year, Sherbitsky has been able to hold a vice-state-level position, and Ukraine's First Secretary Gulenko can only be a substitute member of the Central Political Bureau and the Presidium of the Supreme Soviet, and has not been able to become a full-time member.

However, since this year, Gulenko has become increasingly disobedient to Sherbitsky's wishes. It is obvious that he cannot tolerate Sherbitsky occupying the two major committee positions that should have been held by him, the new First Secretary of Ukraine.

Shcherbitsky has also been trying to cause trouble for Gulenko recently, using his age and energy to pressure Gulenko within the Ukrainian party and the Soviets, hoping to make him respect himself and curb his ambitions.

However, no one can resist the charm of power. Gulenko, who is only one step away from the vice-state level, is not willing to be Sherbitsky's puppet forever. Therefore, there have been undercurrents in Ukrainian politics in recent months. Especially after the General Secretary proposed political system reform in June, Gulenko immediately froze the personnel of the Organization Department of the Central Committee of Ukraine, and refused to process a group of people who Sherbitsky wanted to promote and reuse. However, he promoted more than ten of his own people before the personnel freeze.

For Ukraine's central leadership, the conflict between Gulenko and Shcherbitsky has become almost public.

It was also for this reason that Haniyev, knowing that his political future would be hopeless if he did not overthrow Gulenko, came to Yalta specifically to meet Sherbitsky and discuss with him how to take down Gulenko.

Seeing Sherbitsky's happy face, Haniyev nodded and said, "I do have some ideas, but they are not yet mature. I need to discuss them with you and get your guidance and help."

"First, let me tell you. Your wisdom is very important. I've always believed that if you were born fifty years earlier, you would have become a political star in the Soviet Union and even internationally during the complex situation during World War II. It was after you helped me analyze the situation that I decided to retire. Although I lost power as a result, I also enjoyed a unique position within the Party. Now that you have an idea, you will definitely use it. Tell me..."

Haniyev put down his water glass and whispered, "When I was working in the education industry, I met many university professors, poets, writers, and academicians from the Soviet Union and Ukraine. I also gained their trust when promoting textbook reform. Now I have a high status among many senior intellectuals in Kyiv and Kharkiv, and what I say is taken seriously by them.

I know you don't like these people, but we have to acknowledge that they have enormous influence. Under Gorbachev's reforms, freedom of speech, economic freedom, and freedom of thought are all gradually advancing. These senior intellectuals have taken advantage of the spring breeze of reform to establish many private newspapers and private organizations. Although they say that they are only calling on the public and the government to make amends for the consequences of the Chernobyl incident, such as completely shutting down the nuclear power plant and compensating the victims, you also know that all organizations, once established, will eventually evolve into organizations with political tendencies and political purposes if the government does not control them..."

“What do you want to do with them and their organizations using your position among the great Ukrainian intelligentsia?”

Shcherbitsky frowned in thought, tapping his fingers lightly on the table. "Will they be persuaded by your words and do what you say? Intellectuals are a bunch of self-righteous, self-righteous people. They always think they are smart and are hard to subdue."

Haniyev nodded. "Yes, they do have a lot on their minds, but they are still human beings, and as humans they have desires and needs. As long as we can meet their needs, we can always find a way to lead them by the nose. Then they will voluntarily and willingly help us."

"Do you have any idea?"

Shcherbitsky exclaimed: "What our Soviet cadres lack most is not knowledge, but the ability to deal with special times and special problems. You can always find solutions in the most complex environments.

I'm aware of the organizations these intellectuals have run. They're all advocating for the same things. They've established several newspapers, but they're all just school newspapers, so they don't have much influence. Since you're someone who rose to prominence during the Chernobyl incident, it's normal for them to trust you."

Haniyev nodded and said, "Yes, these intellectuals are complex and simple at the same time.

You also know that many of our Ukrainian intellectuals are supporters of national independence. These people are currently mainly promoting environmental protection, but there are political purposes behind them. There are also many backbones within the organization who have been promoting national independence for many years. They used to organize propaganda privately, but now they dare to come forward.

If it weren't for Gorbachev's reforms, they wouldn't be able to openly establish an organization or a newspaper. Their leaders and organizers number about seven or eight, with Ivanov, Ivan Drak, Gonchar, and Makar at the core. They named their organization and actions "Rukh (Ukrainian People's Movement)." Their influence has been growing in the past two years, and students from many universities in Kyiv and Kharkiv are members of their organization.

Shcherbitsky snorted coldly, "These people are the most difficult to deal with. The country needs their knowledge, but they are the ones who yearn for the West the most and are the trumpeters of Gorbachev's reforms!"

"I know you don't like these people, but deepening reform has already begun, and political system reform has become the most important task of the new era. This reform will change the political landscape of the Soviet Union and break all old perceptions. These people are the first to benefit from this era. They are also influential people who support Gorbachev's reforms. If we don't recruit them for our own use, they will become our opposite and our enemy. This kind of power should not be left to develop freely outside. We must control it in our hands to ensure that we can unleash tremendous power when needed!"

As Haniyev spoke, he narrowed his eyes slightly, clenched his right fist and waved it vigorously in the air.

Chapter 192 Mastering Lu He, Cultivating Lu He, and Utilizing Lu He

People who achieve great things are tenacious, confident, and sometimes stubborn, but they also have an advantage, which is that they can listen to opinions and suggestions.

Sherbitsky is a traditional Soviet bureaucrat. He is capable, thoughtful and skillful. He is always resolute and courageous and will not be easily deceived. According to his cognition and habits, he has always been cold and harsh towards the well-known literati and intellectuals in Ukraine, because there are too many national independence elements among them.

In order to stifle the voice of Ukrainian national independence, Shcherbytsky, during his time in power, frequently suppressed officials within the Ukrainian party and government who were close to Ukrainian separatists, and also prohibited Ukrainian intellectuals from publishing newspapers and holding meetings.

Haniyev's father Vladimir was sent to a suburban farm because he had close ties with intellectuals who advocated national independence, and was attacked by Sherbitsky.

Sherbitsky fought for the Soviet Union and Ukraine for half his life. Gorbachev's reforms put him on the opposite side of the General Secretary. The Chernobyl incident made the Ukrainian gang and conservatives headed by Sherbitsky very passive, and eventually Sherbitsky lost his position as the First Secretary of Ukraine.

As Shcherbitsky gradually lost control of Ukraine's political situation, the comprehensive changes in Ukraine's speech, economy and even politics under Gorbachev's economic and political reforms have shocked Shcherbitsky.

Intellectuals in Ukraine who have been advocating for national independence since 1960 also took advantage of the freedom of speech to establish organizations and develop rapidly.

Even though Shcherbitsky lived in semi-retirement in the Friendship Sanatorium, he was still concerned about the revolutionary cause in Ukraine and was aware of the actions of senior Ukrainian intellectuals.

At the beginning, Sherbitsky only thought about how to suppress the national independence forces. After all, he had always done so when he was in power and achieved good results.

But now Sherbitsky is no longer the supreme leader who calls the shots in Ukraine. After listening to Haniyev's advice, he fell into deep thought.

"It would be great if you could really get the most active and influential intellectuals in Ukraine to work for us, and their power is growing every day."

Haniyev clapped his hands and laughed, "Yes, many of the young university students in Ukraine today are students and followers of these people. Although the 'Rukh' they formed is very loose and lacks the characteristics and framework of a real organization, due to the influx of Western trends and the recent expansion of open-mindedness and freedom of speech, the 'Rukh' is very popular among young people.

Currently, the organization has over 100,000 members. Although there are no political demands for the time being, it is hard to say what will happen in the future...

Now the political system reform has begun to advance. According to Gorbachev's deployment, he will establish the Congress of People's Deputies of the USSR next, and change the highest state power system from a three-level structure of the Supreme Soviet, the Presidium of the Supreme Soviet and the Chairman of the Presidium of the Supreme Soviet to a four-level structure of the Congress of People's Deputies of the USSR, the Supreme Soviet of the USSR, the Presidium of the Supreme Soviet of the USSR and the Chairman of the Supreme Soviet of the USSR.

This National People's Congress is modeled after the democratically elected government of the United States, allowing local governments to elect representatives to participate in the management of the country.

I think that once the People's Congress system is implemented, these intellectuals who hold enormous appeal and influence in Ukraine can strive to become people's representatives. In this way, these intellectuals can directly become Soviet officials, even high-ranking officials. At that time, they will no longer be just literati, but non-Party members who can participate in the management of the country..."

Shcherbitsky frowned and said, "I understand. If political reforms are truly carried out, these intellectuals will inevitably participate in state governance. By then, they will be far more dangerous than they are now. We must seize this force. If they cooperate with us, we can rely on this new force in the reform to compete with Gulenko."

Haniyev nodded. "Not just to counterattack, perhaps we can use this power to overthrow Gulenko and help you return to the position of First Secretary of Ukraine."

Sherbitsky sighed deeply and said with emotion, "The Soviet Union is a federal state established by the Communist Party of the Soviet Union. The Communist Party of the Soviet Union holds supreme power. I've experienced ups and downs within the party more than once, and each time I've been waiting for a new leader to take power so I can rejoin the Central Committee. If a leader at the level of the General Secretary had suppressed me, I wouldn't have been able to fight back. Unexpectedly, Gorbachev's so-called reforms have given me an opportunity. An elected representative has taken the leap to become a leader involved in Soviet governance. If the Ukrainian people's representatives had supported me, Gulenko would not have compromised with me.

Furthermore, the deputies to the Supreme Soviet are also elected from the popularly elected representatives. In theory, a future representative of the People's Congress could be elected as the Chairman of the Supreme Soviet. Even if I can't return to power for the time being, I can use the people's representatives to nominate one of my close associates to serve as Chairman of the Supreme Soviet of Ukraine. It won't be long before I can force Gulenko to give up his position as First Secretary."

As he spoke, Sherbitsky kept staring at Haniyev with a complicated and surprised look, which made Haniyev feel a little awkward.

"Old man, what do you mean? Do you agree to recruit these intellectuals and their organizations for your own use?"

Shcherbitsky glanced and saw that his wife had taken Tatiana out to see flowers, so he took out his pipe from his arms, and Hanyev hurried forward to help him fill it with tobacco and light it.

"Baba..."

Exhaling a puff of smoke, Shcherbitsky coughed lightly and said, "It would be great if we could recruit them for our own use. Under the new circumstances, these people are far more useful than before. The damage they could cause if we lose control is unbelievable. How do you plan to do this?"

"These intellectuals are full of passion and self-proclaimed sober people who have seen the so-called truth. Therefore, many of them are active advocates of national independence. However, no matter how complex the composition of these high-level intellectuals is, after all, few of them currently hold power. They participate in assisting the work of the Party and the Soviet Union as university professors, academicians of the Academy of Sciences, publishing editors, poets and writers. As long as we give them convenience and support their so-called ideas, these people will gather around us..."

Haniyev didn't smoke much, but in order to cooperate with Sherbitsky, he took out a cigar and lit it.

Taking a puff, Haniyev said, puffing smoke from his mouth and nose, "Although I took a huge risk during the Chernobyl incident, I also became a celebrity in Ukraine. Moreover, with your support and protection, my political future has not only been preserved but has been broadened. I started working at the Education Commission and gradually became acquainted with these senior intellectuals. They all admired and appreciated me for what I did during the Chernobyl incident. In addition, I am now the Deputy Director of the Education Commission who directly manages them, and my performance in textbook adaptation has satisfied them and even impressed them. Therefore, these intellectuals are basically convinced of me. I have an excellent mass base among them, so I am confident that I can recruit them to help you overthrow Gulenko and help you regain power in Ukraine."

Shcherbitsky's face was a bit hazy in the smoky air. He suddenly asked, "So it's right for you to go to the Education Commission. It won't be easy to bring down Gulenko. How do we do it specifically?"

By this time, Sherbitsky had already questioned Haniyev three times. Knowing that the old man was really anxious, he went straight to the point and said, "The reports about you two years ago have already made your reputation very high in Ukraine. Even the intellectuals you have always suppressed have no intention of attacking you. This is very good.

Now that I have gained the trust of several leaders of the Rukh, I hope you can use your energy to help me, so that I can help the Rukh. It would be best if I could personally help them reorganize the Rukh, transforming this loose organization into a political organization with a structure. Then, I can integrate resources and establish an organizational newspaper, so that the Rukh can systematically recruit members and conduct propaganda. In the future, I can also select the most obedient people and promote them to become people's representatives and speak for us..."

Haniyev was so busy talking that his cigar went out before he knew it. He put it down and continued, "We must seize this opportunity while the political system reform has not yet been truly implemented and Rukh's role has not yet been fully utilized. We must copy the organizational experience of our CPSU and establish a rigorous organization for Rukh. In this way, in the future, Rukh will be another 'CPSU' that obeys your orders.

Just think about it, as long as we personally lead "Rukh" and train "Rukh", this organization will soon develop millions of members. At that time, we will wave our arms and manipulate Ukraine's public opinion and hearts. If we can control Ukraine's People's Congress, you will be the uncrowned king of Ukraine.

As long as we can control Rukh and train Rukh, and wait until Rukh's members develop, we can find some mistakes of Gulenko and let Rukh publicize them. Gulenko's prestige will be destroyed in the eyes of the Ukrainian people. Then we can use Reuters and Rukh to publicize and protest against the corruption of Gulenko's faction. Soon Gulenko will be in a mess, and Gorbachev will also question Gulenko's ability.

"When the time comes, let Rukh mobilize public opinion to demand that you come out and take charge. Then you can work within the party and remove Gulenko. Wouldn't it be easy for you to come back?"

The prospects of Haniyev's plan were extremely attractive, and Sherbitsky was also tempted.

Shcherbitsky's breathing quickened slightly, his right thumb rubbing the hot end of his pipe as he nodded. "Your plan is perfect. Once we take control of Rukh, we'll develop it into the largest civilian organization. This will give us the confidence to compete with the Ukrainian Soviet. Gulenko can't have worked for a few years without making mistakes, and the people he promoted can't be without mistakes either. As long as we keep an eye on them and look for problems, we'll definitely find them.

You happen to have connections with overseas media such as Reuters. Let them report on it. If Ruh continues to fan the flames in the country and manipulate public opinion, there will be a great chance that he will create a huge topic and mass incident.

Given Gorbachev's character, he must have been afraid of follow-up reports from foreign media and worried that the public events in Ukraine would make people think that his reforms were a failure, so Gulenko would most likely be dealt with. However, Gorbachev was a petty person and he might not dare to let me come back even without Gulenko.

However, isn't this damaging to our party's image? It's too much of a political conspiracy..."

Haniyev saw Sherbitsky's hesitation and knew that as an old Soviet cadre, he did not want to make a comeback by damaging the image of the Soviet Union and Soviet cadres, but he really could not bear the life of retirement any longer, so he just had to start his own fire.

"You are a gentleman, but Gotu has been ruthless to you and is not kind at all..."

After carefully considering his words, Haniyev said, "For the sake of the Soviet cause, you should abandon your soft-heartedness. As for your concerns, I think there is no need to worry. After Gulenko stepped down, if Gorbachev dared to prevent you from leaving office, it would be useless for anyone he appointed as the First Secretary of Ukraine!

As long as Rukh is our hands, feet, and mouthpiece, we can prevent the new First Secretary from getting elected, and then Ukraine will still be ruled by you, the old man."

"makes sense."

Shcherbitsky finally made up his mind. He clutched his pipe tightly and said in a deep voice, "Let's do as you say."

Haniyev was delighted because he knew the future development scale of Rukh. It could be said that Rukh was the civilian driving force behind Ukraine's independence. With the reform and development of the Soviet Union, Rukh's harm to the Soviet Union became increasingly greater.

However, the real rapid development of Rukh started after the political system reform. After Haniyev became acquainted with the four founders and leaders of Rukh, Ivanov, Ivan Drak, Gonchar and Makar, he had the idea of ​​recruiting them and the Rukh they founded for his own use.

After editing textbooks and the "History of the Development of the Ukrainian Nation", Haniyev has become a core figure among these great intellectuals. However, if he wants to cultivate and strengthen the "Rukh", it is obviously impossible for Haniyev to do so with his level and power, so he can only ask Sherbitsky for help.

After Sherbitsky agreed, Haniyev discussed some details with him. He learned that in order to strengthen Rukhhaniyev, the cooperation of many departments such as the Ministry of Internal Affairs, the Ministry of Propaganda, the Ministry of Culture, the Education Commission, and the National Television and Radio Broadcasting Committee would be needed. After thinking about it, Sherbitsky picked up his dedicated phone.

He called his grandson Nikolai and asked him to inform his confidants in various departments to hold a meeting at his villa in Kiev at the end of this month. Sherbitsky meant that Nikolai would preside over the meeting, but Haniyev, as the implementer of the plan to control and train "Rukh", would make an important speech at the meeting and coordinate the resources of various departments to train and expand "Rukh" as soon as possible.

Chapter 193 Mastering Ruhe, Cultivating Ruhe, and Utilizing Ruhe (2)

After hanging up the hotline to Kiev, Sherbitsky walked to the window and opened the curtains, and the dazzling sunlight suddenly shone into the room.

He pointed outside and said, "There are agents everywhere here monitoring my movements, some from Moscow and some from Gulenko. They don't want me to leave the sanatorium. I also know that if I rashly return to Kiev or go to Moscow, it will cause a lot of variables. So in recent years, I have been living in the sanatorium honestly and rarely leave, just to paralyze them.

Although they were monitoring me, I was a vice-state-level leader after all, and I had my own reliable security and a dedicated telephone line that was not monitored, so I could do something after all.

Victor, when you return, follow the steps we discussed. I have people in these departments, and they will cooperate with you after receiving my instructions."

After hearing what Sherbitsky said, Haniyev quickly agreed. He knew that there were many of Sherbitsky's students and former officials in various departments and states of the Ukrainian Soviet Republic. He had been operating in Ukraine for decades, and although he could not make Ukraine an iron bucket, it was almost the same.

The reason why he was becoming increasingly depressed was simply because of Gorbachev's deliberate suppression and Gulenko's backstabbing, which made Sherbitsky anxious and angry as he could not find a solution within the party.

But now Haniyev has found a trick for Sherbitsky and planned a way for him to make a comeback. Naturally, he has regained his fighting spirit, and his two deep eyes are becoming brighter.

As a representative of the Ukrainian gang and conservatives, and as a veteran of four dynasties who have ruled Ukraine for decades, even if he has retreated to the second line, as long as Sherbitsky really wants to make a difference, he still has tremendous power and can shake half of the Ukrainian political arena with just a stomp of his feet.

In Haniyev's opinion, Ukraine's "Rukh (People's Movement)" must not be underestimated or ignored. This force is the most powerful mass force in Ukraine in recent years. Although this force lacks organizational leadership and ideological program, it will indeed be the biggest driving force for Ukraine's independence in the future.

Knowing that "Rukh" has great potential, it is impossible for Haniyev not to control this power in his own hands.