Servant of the People in Kyiv

After hearing this, Sidlov pondered for a long time, closed the book, and stroked the brown paper cover. "You've been very thoughtful. I think if I were the leader of the Communist Party of Ukraine, I wouldn't find anything wrong with this national history. It's just that for historical reasons, no one dares to publicly promote or discuss the history and figures of Ukrainian national independence. Even though your book has been carefully prepared, it's still a banned book, a reactionary work that violates the spirit of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union."

Haniyev chuckled and said, "It doesn't matter. We won't print it for the time being. Let's wait and see. There are undercurrents in Ukraine right now. Many people recognize that Ukraine is an independent nation and an independent regime. Everyone recognizes that we are part of the Soviet Union, but we are definitely not part of the Tsarist Russia of the past, the present, or even the future Russia. This is almost the consensus of all Ukrainians.

Without this consensus, the book "History of the Development of the Ukrainian Nation" would not have appeared, and I would not have become a core leader respected and admired by so many professors and scholars in Ukrainian cultural, academic, and historical circles through my leadership in compiling this book. This proves that facts are not subject to human consciousness. The Ukrainian nation and the Ukrainian independent regime have existed from ancient times to the present on the Ukrainian land centered on the Dnieper River basin.

Sidlov nodded and said: Yes, we Ukraine are an independent nation and culture. Even if we join the Soviet Union, we should enjoy the same status as Russia, instead of always providing blood transfusions to Russia.

As the son of an official who grew up in Kiev, Sidlov was exposed to the same information as the families of senior Ukrainian intellectuals. Therefore, like many young people in Kiev, he knew a lot about Ukraine's history and secrets.

Ukrainians have been dissatisfied with the Soviet Union for many years, so they have been passing on many things that happened in the decades before and after Ukraine joined the Soviet Union.

Disunity is a partial portrayal of Ukraine and Russia in the past ten to twenty years. It can be said that the Soviet republics west of the Caspian Sea have been constantly disunite with Russia and the Soviet Union in the past ten to twenty years. This is due to NATO's infiltration and the continuous victory of capitalism and socialism in the competition. People always yearn for a better quality of life.

Because for many years there have been voices among the Ukrainian people that independence would be better than living in the Soviet Union, and the ideology of Ukrainian national independence has been quietly brewing. Many Ukrainians agree with this view and also yearn for life in the West.

This is true for Sergei, Pristin, Anatoly and others, as well as Poroshenko and Sidlov.

Therefore, like most Ukrainian youths, Sidlov also recognizes the national independence of Ukraine in his heart.

The awareness of national self-determination in the world was born around World War II, but due to different levels of cultural development, many nations in many countries and regions consciously wanted independence at an earlier time and constantly struggled to break away from the rule of the central government and the king.

Korea and Vietnam in the Far East are representatives of those nations that have never been willing to join the Central Plains dynasty. There are more similar nations in Europe and they existed earlier.

In a sense, it can be said that Ukraine's sense of national independence is a national consciousness that was formed after the emergence of Cossack culture.

Like Vikings, Cossacks is not an ethnic name, but a fixed group of people named after their production and living habits. However, the Cossacks, composed of Ukrainians and Russians on the black soil of the East European plains, were all free farmers. They advocated freedom and opposed the oppression and exploitation of them by the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth. Therefore, they rebelled for independence in the first half of the 17th century.

The language and culture of Ukrainians are similar to those of Russians, but there are indeed differences. In addition, the two ethnic groups have had their own affiliations and regimes since Kievan Rus, and have blended with different cultural and ethnic groups. Over hundreds of years, the ethnic differences between the two countries have become increasingly larger. Ukrainians do not want to be ruled by Poles or Russians, so they have sought independence more than once in history and have succeeded many times.

Chapter 189: If there is no opportunity, create one

After communicating with his brother Sidlov for nearly an hour, Haniyev was surprised to find that his brother was no longer as naive as before. He had unknowingly become a person with independent thinking and enthusiasm for politics.

In the past, Sidlov did not like studying and did not care about politics, but was interested in some mechanical equipment. Therefore, he studied science and engineering in college. After graduation, Vladimir arranged for him to work in the Antonov Design Bureau. He started as an assistant engineer in the electrical field and has now become a mid-level engineer.

Sidlov's work was assisted by his father Vladimir, but his own abilities were also enough to work in the design bureau.

However, Sidorov was not very sensitive to politics and was not interested in reform before. Now, perhaps because of Haniyev, Sidorov is also very enthusiastic about politics.

After instructing his brother not to lend the book to outsiders, Haniyev smiled and said, "If you're truly interested in politics, you should work hard at the Antonov Design Bureau. When you become a mid-level leader, I can help you get transferred out. According to the political level of your unit, you should be able to become a deputy mayor by then. If I'm already the first secretary of the province by then, I think your career will be very successful."

Sidlov laughed heartily, seeming to envision his future as a high-ranking official. "Okay, big brother. Our director thinks highly of me. Plus, with my dad's connections, I might be able to become a senior engineer in a few years. By then, I'll have the same treatment as a mid-level leader. If I transfer to a new position first and then be transferred out, there's a chance..."

Seeing that Sidlov was already planning his career, Haniyev laughed and said, "You kid really aren't just acting on impulse..."

Sidlov scratched his head and smiled.

After staying at home for two days, Haniyev and his wife Tatyana flew to Yalta.

Having learned from the previous experience, Haniyev was very low-key this time and only told Vyshevsky in advance.

After getting off the plane, Haniyev changed into a beach shirt and wore a sun hat, and Tatyana also changed into a loose beach dress and wore a straw hat. The couple both dressed like tourists.

After leaving the airport, Haniyev saw Vyshevsky standing in front of a brand new Mercedes-Benz.

After walking over, Haniyev first looked at the car and asked, "Why did you change the car?"

"They're so rich! The municipal party committee and government wanted money to replace a batch of buses. I thought since they were spending money, they might as well replace them for us as well, so..."

Haniyev said with a sigh of relief, "You're really rich now. Look at you now, with your sleek face, Armani suit, and Omega gold watch... Tsk tsk... I almost forgot what Vyshevsky looked like when he drove a bus in Kiev..."

"It's all thanks to you, but this is all legal income. Our health care company is a private enterprise that's pioneering reforms, and I'm also the general manager of a private enterprise. A high income is reasonable."

Vishesky said with great confidence, "But we should all be grateful that you are real."

"With you, a model of reform, our Yalta tourism and holiday industry can be said to be a personal advertisement by the General Secretary. The number of tourists has continuously broken new records over the past year, and the health care company's revenue has also continued to climb. We now have 5000 health care, massage, and health care technicians. Even in the off-season, we have recently earned 30 rubles a month."

Vyshchevsky opened the car door and invited Tatiana in, then continued, "We're a major source of revenue for the city government. Secretary Klosky has inherited a good fortune from you. He's incredibly happy every day. He's repeatedly said that the 'Health Care Company' is Yalta's cash cow, and he's very grateful to you."

Haniyev smiled slightly and said, "Whoever can bring about good development will gain the support and trust of the people, and whoever can generate income will be grateful to them."

"Yes."

Only after seeing Haniyev get in the car did Vyshevsky return to the driver's seat and start the car.

The car was moving slowly, and Haniyev looked out the window at Yalta, which had not changed much from before, with many tourists and beautiful scenery.

After seeing Haniyev's actions through the rearview mirror, Vyshevsky chuckled and said, "Do you still have feelings for Yalta?"

"After all, this is my first stop in charge of the government. I have poured a lot of my efforts into this place!"

Haniyev sighed and asked, "Is everything okay, old man?"

"The old couple must have caught a cold some time ago. They had a severe fever and cough. I couldn't even see them at the time. They only recovered last week. When I went to see them last Saturday, they looked pretty good."

"As long as you're okay."

As a close friend since childhood and having driven Haniyev for a year, Vyshevsky knew Haniyev quite well. He asked, "You're not just here for vacation, are you?"

"of course."

Haniyev smiled faintly. "Last year, I was praised by Gorbachev as a reform pioneer, but I wasn't promoted to deputy governor. I was only transferred to the Ministry of Foreign Affairs. Later, I finally came back for a promotion, but I didn't even get deputy governor of a major province. I was only the ninth deputy director of the Education Commission. You know what the old man said to me at the time. I've been in the Education Commission for almost seven months now. It's time for another move, right?"

Vyshevsky sighed softly. "I'm afraid it won't be easy. I heard the old man say a few words when I visited him. Gulenko doesn't listen to him much anymore. Plus, Gorbachev started pushing for political system reform last month, and personnel appointments and dismissals above the provincial level have been temporarily shelved. Although nothing is certain, those who should be promoted and advanced will definitely be promoted and advanced. But Gulenko is not cooperating with the old man now, and the old man has no real power. It's difficult..."

Haniyev coughed lightly and said, "I know. If the old man really holds great power, how could Nikolay still not get a provincial rank?"

"Yes, he is the old man's grandson, and the only political figure his family wants to train..."

Vyshevsky sighed.

"What are you going to do? If you keep pushing the old man, he'll probably get angry."

Haniyev scratched the tip of his nose and snorted coldly: "Why should I urge him to do anything? He can't be the boss now."

"That……"

"Hey, I'm planning to talk to him and ask him to come back. If Shcherbitsky becomes the First Secretary of Ukraine again, wouldn't we brothers be able to walk all over the place? And wouldn't it be his decision for me to become governor then?"

Vyshevsky's eyes widened, he slowed down slightly, turned to look at Haniyev, and asked in disbelief, "Didn't Gorbachev say he didn't want the old man to do it? Can you still make Gorbachev change his mind?"

Haniyev sneered repeatedly: "Of course I don't have such great ability. It's impossible to rely on Gorbachev. If we do nothing, under the current situation, Sherbitsky will have no chance to come out. But we can't give up. If there is no opportunity, I will create it!"

Vyshchesky's expression changed, and he asked in surprise, "To get Sherbitsky to become the First Secretary of Ukraine, you have to get rid of Gulenko first. This is as difficult as becoming the Chairman of the Ukrainian Soviet yourself. Do you really have an idea?"

Haniyev nodded. “Do you think Ukraine is important to the Soviet Union?”

"Needless to say, it's the most important republic of the Soviet Union."

"Since Ukraine is so important, and if chaos breaks out in Ukraine and Gulenko is unable to quell it, the Ukrainian people are calling for Shcherbitsky to return to power and rectify the situation. Does Gorbachev dare to act on his own and go against public opinion?"

"It's unlikely that Ukraine will become chaotic. The Soviet army is not a pushover."

"Hey, just because things aren't chaotic now doesn't mean they won't be chaotic next year."

Visheski swallowed and nodded, "It's good that you have an idea. Just let me know in advance if you need me to do anything.

My skills aren't great. I can only help you look after the health care company. You're going to do big things, and that means spending money. Just let me know when you need money, and I won't hold you back. As long as we have money in our company's account, I can help you with it even if it means risking imprisonment."

"What are you talking about, man? Don't worry, with Shcherbitsky and I here, there's no way we'll let you get punished."

Haniyev laughed and patted Vyshevsky on the shoulder.

A moment later, the car stopped at the entrance of the lobby of the Friendship Sanatorium, and the Haniyevs got out of the car under the watchful eyes of the Ministry of Internal Affairs guards.

The MVD guards and KGB agents guarding Sherbitsky knew Haniyev and recognized Vyshevsky's car. The leaders and staff of the Friendship Sanatorium also knew Haniyev and Vyshevsky.

After learning that Haniyev had arrived, the secretary and director of the Friendship Sanatorium ran to greet him.

Haniyev shook hands with them and said, "It seems I am only here to visit the old secretary. Please keep quiet."

Secretary Golon and director Liashko of the Friendship Sanatorium looked at each other, and a look of understanding appeared on their faces.

"Understood. If you don't let me, we will definitely not leak the news of your coming, nor will we let the people below leak it."

Haniyev nodded in satisfaction: "What is the old man doing?"

"They should be swimming. You two can go to the suite to rest first. After all, the lady is a little uncomfortable."

"Okay, let's go rest and eat something."

Seeing that Haniyev agreed, Golon hurriedly asked people to prepare. He and the dean personally accompanied Haniyev and his wife and Vyshevsky to the luxurious suite on the top floor.

"Your wife is here too. The room you stayed in before was a bit small. This presidential suite is the best, and the view is great..."

These suites were prepared for national leaders when the sanatorium was built. So far, only Sherbitsky has lived there. Haniyev's level should not allow him to live there, but he has a special status in Yalta. How could Golon and others not serve him wholeheartedly?

Chapter 190: Reform cannot lead to self-harm

After Haniyev expressed his gratitude to the sanatorium leadership for their warm hospitality, Golon and his party left. Vyshevsky and Haniyev also left after whispering a few words.

Tatiana, who had been silent since landing, happily opened the curtains, looked at the sea view in the distance, touched her belly and said, "The environment and air here are much better than in Kiev. Kiev has smog in the winter and it's dark all day long. The climate here is good and it's very bright. I think we can live here in our old age..."

Haniyev opened the window and a gust of hot air blew in, making him feel very hot. Worried that his wife would feel too hot, he closed the window a little and said, "If you want, we can live here after we retire."

"I want to take a bath and then have a massage. Would you like to join me?"

Haniyev nodded. "Okay, I've been working overtime lately and am really tired. I'll take a break and wait for Secretary Shcherbitsky to summon me."

That night, Haniyev was taking a salt bath with his wife when he suddenly saw Sherbitsky's personal secretary Dmitry coming over.

"Victor, the old secretary wants to see you, and the old lady wants to see your wife. They have already ordered food in the lounge and invite you to dinner."

Haniyev stood up and shook hands with Dmitri. "Okay, let's change our clothes and go over."

Twenty minutes later, the Haniyevs, who had changed into proper clothes, arrived at Sherbitsky's lounge. It was a large house of more than 300 square meters, equipped with all kinds of home appliances, furniture and fitness equipment. In the corner was a semi-partitioned dining room. The walnut dining table was filled with silver plates and tableware. Although the plates were covered, the burnt aroma of butter, steak, onions and basil leaves in the air still betrayed the main course of tonight's dinner.

The vigorous Shcherbitskys were sitting at the tea table drinking tea. When they saw the Hanyevs come in, the old lady smiled slightly and said, "You're here. Tatiana, how long have you been pregnant?"

"It is three months, my dear lady."

Tatyana smiled, kissed her on the cheek, then took Madame Shcherbitsky's hand and began to ask her how she was doing.

Haniyev also hugged his "loving father". After a few words of greeting, the four of them sat down at the dining table, and Sherbitsky's personal secretary and guards also retreated outside the house.

After Sherbitsky asked about his work in the Education Committee, Haniyev did not hesitate to tell him the speeches he had prepared in advance.

The textbook adaptation that Haniyev participated in and even led in the Education Commission was carried out in response to the General Secretary's reform and to lead the reform with education. The "History of the Development of the Ukrainian Nation" he edited played a vital role in establishing the Ukrainian national historical view.

These two jobs did not help Haniyev's career, and did not meet Sherbitsky's value needs.

Shcherbitsky was a very traditional Soviet bureaucrat. He was capable and daring, but also conservative and traditional. He was a practitioner of the Soviet Union's inherent systems and traditions. Although he was Ukrainian and served as the First Secretary of Ukraine for more than ten years, he always safeguarded the interests of the Soviet Union and regarded himself as a vice-state-level leader of the Soviet Union.

In Shcherbitsky's life, there were two opportunities to climb to the supreme position of "General Secretary of the Soviet Union". Although he ultimately failed, he never had the intention of splitting the Soviet Union or seeking Ukrainian independence. He even suppressed the voice of Ukrainian national independence during his tenure in Shanghai.

Therefore, Haniyev's change of textbooks was packaged as a bold attempt at educational reform, which was in line with the needs of reformers such as Gorbachev, but was not liked by Sherbitsky.

Compared with the textbook reform, what Sherbitsky could not tolerate even more was Haniyev’s “Ukrainian national historical view”.

If we say that Sherbitsky's attitude towards the Ukrainian nation is that the Ukrainian nation is part of the Soviet family, he cannot tolerate the Ukrainian nation having a national historical view independent of the Soviet class historical view.

Because as the Soviet national leader, Shcherbytsky possessed extraordinary political acumen. He knew that if Ukrainian intellectuals were allowed to establish and promote Ukrainian nationalism, this national view would be the basis of political independence and would be detrimental to Soviet rule.

Therefore, when Shcherbitsky served as the First Secretary of Ukraine, nationalism within the Ukrainian Soviet Republic had been suppressed for a long time. If Gorbachev had not been dragging his feet in implementing the so-called reforms after coming to power, it would have been difficult for Ukraine's national independence forces to develop.

Haniyev knew what Sherbitsky was thinking, so when reporting on his work over the past few months, he avoided the important issues and focused on textbook reform while avoiding talking about the "History of the Ukrainian Nation" he edited.

After hearing this, Shcherbitsky nodded. "I told you to be more obedient and low-key, but you still won't give in..."

Haniyev coughed lightly and said, "Old man, I want to do something practical for our motherland."

"I know you're a doer, so I value you."

Sherbitsky said coldly: "If you still want to be the governor of the Donbas region, I can help you introduce the Minister of the Central Organization Department and other central cadres, including Gulenko. You are a political celebrity, but you are not Gulenko's man, and you cannot gain Gorbachev's trust. Gulenko and Gorbachev are naturally unwilling to promote you.

My child, your political future is now in Gulenko's hands. If you want to make rapid progress, you have no choice but to join him."

Haniyev's face changed and he started to cry.

"You are my loving father and benefactor. If you hadn't shown me your kindness, I think my political career would have ended after the Chernobyl incident. How could I have become a senior official at the vice-provincial level at the age of 28?

I may not make any progress, or become a high-ranking official, but I cannot betray you, my lord. I will never join Gulenko."

Seeing that Haniyev's words were sincere, Sherbitsky's expression eased a little.

Haniyev knew that Sherbitsky was testing him. As a politician, suspicion was inevitable, and his political ambitions could not be hidden from him. He was naturally worried that if he could not help him, he would turn to Gulenko.

"I don't think Gorbachev's reforms will have any good results. Isn't he trying to emulate the West in carrying out some kind of political system reform? He wants to get rid of the Soviet Communist Party's leadership and implement democratic elections. Isn't that pure idiocy?"

As Shcherbitsky spoke, he became excited: "Those bastards are destroying the foundation of the Soviet Union. Their reforms are self-mutilation, cutting off their own arms. If the reforms destroy the leadership of the CPSU, how can the Soviet Union be maintained? Will there not be chaos in the world in the future?

Gorbachev will certainly alienate himself from the people and be spurned by the Party and the people. When that happens, it will be us, the people who truly want to work for the country and the nation, who will come to clean up the mess..."