Servant of the People in Kyiv

Comrade Lenin strongly advocated that Ukraine establish an independent nation and state. At the time, our Ukrainian revolutionary martyrs and predecessors shared a common goal with their Russian counterparts: the liberation of all mankind. Therefore, the Ukrainian Soviet Republic joined the Soviet Union. According to Comrade Lenin, Ukraine is an independent nation and state, but we became part of the Soviet Union because of a common great goal.

For more than seventy years, our national customs and culture have been respected within the Soviet Union...

We should clearly understand that Ukraine's national history has similarities with Russia's national history, that is, both separated from the Slavs and later the Eastern Slavs, and both have a long history of being enslaved by the feudal system and capitalists. However, we should all admit that there are historical limitations of mankind a thousand or hundreds of years ago. We cannot deny them just because the national leaders at that time were representatives of feudal landlords. Doesn't Russia also admit that it has inherited the legal rule of Tsarist Russia?

We in Ukraine must make clear a consensus, that is, we are the orthodox successor of Kievan Rus, the Ukrainian Cossack Hetmanate, and the Ukrainian People's Republic, the legal states that ruled the Ukrainian land. Our Ukrainian Soviet Republic is a country established by the Ukrainian nation on the land of Ukraine. It is a great independent country that inherited the legal system of Kievan Rus, the Cossack Hetmanate, and the Ukrainian People's Republic.

However, we have formed an alliance with Russia, Belarus and 14 other countries for the great goal of liberating all mankind. This is a fact and must be made clear..."

Haniyev spoke for two hours, drinking water only once. His ideas were clear. Combining the original historical view of Ukraine and the current Soviet class historical view of Ukraine, he found a line of national independence history that was consistent with the position of the CPSU and had the independent legal system of the Ukrainian nation-state.

After Haniyev finished speaking, thunderous applause broke out in the conference room. Although some scholars had different views on the "Ukrainian national historical view" led by Haniyev, they knew that their words were not influential. Moreover, the historical context proposed by Haniyev was clear and accurate, so they could not find many reasons to refute it and could only agree with it.

In fact, the Ukrainian national history established under Haniyev's leadership is similar to what Ukraine created after its disintegration, because Ukraine has always claimed to be the orthodox successor of Kievan Rus, and even added the trident of Kievan Rus to the national emblem. Even after independence, Ukraine still used the old national emblem, but made only minor adjustments.

Kievan Rus, the Cossack Emirate and the Ukrainian People's Republic are the national legal systems recognized by Ukraine, but after independence they denied the Soviet Union, and Haniyev imitated the Khitan.

In Haniyev's historical view, Ukraine is a descendant of Kievan Rus, the Cossack Hetmanate, the Ukrainian People's Republic, and the Ukrainian Soviet Republic.

The Ukrainian People's Republic was established earlier than the Ukrainian Soviet Republic. At the time of its establishment, Ukraine was not yet its current territory and was in a completely chaotic state of division among various forces. The Ukrainian Soviet Republic was also established in the eastern region that was beyond the control of the Ukrainian People's Republic.

When the Blue Sky, White Sun flag was established, Khitan was also in a state of warlord separatism, and Dongda also had to admit that it had inherited the legal system of the Blue Sky, White Sun.

In the Soviet class historical view, Ukrainians have always denied the existence of the Ukrainian People's Republic, regarding it as a White Bandit rebel group with the same faction as Dunkin', and also regarding the leader of the Ukrainian People's Republic, Petliura, as a gang leader.

Under this class historical view, the Soviet Union and Ukraine directly defined the puppet Ukrainian state established by the Nazis during World War II and its leader Bandera as a pseudo-regime and national criminals.

After Ukraine's independence, denying the Soviet Union became politically correct in Ukraine, so even the Nazi Bandera became a national hero of Ukraine, and the pseudo-regime "Ukrainian State" became the legal successor state considered by many Ukrainians.

This is completely stupid behavior. If Ukrainians think that the Soviet Union is a pile of shit, then in order to deny the Soviet shit, they eat the shit of the Nazi regime. This shows the confusion of Ukrainians' values ​​and their distorted view of national history.

It is precisely because of this distorted and perverted mentality that Ukraine has not been able to form a complete and rigorous national historical perspective until 2025.

After understanding the whole story, Haniyev planned to take advantage of the critical moment before the collapse of the Soviet Union to revise the national cultural textbooks to indirectly recognize the legal system of the Ukrainian People's Republic and establish a complete national historical view for Ukrainians.

Because there was no second regime in Ukraine when the Ukrainian People's Republic was established, the Soviet regime established by the Communist Party of Ukraine was nearly 9 months later, and other chaotic regimes were even later and unpopular. Therefore, the Verkhovna Rada of the Ukrainian People's Republic was the only national regime recognized by Ukrainian intellectuals and relatively influential people such as the bourgeoisie, landlords, and petty bourgeoisie.

Haniyev believes that Ukraine should refer to the Khitan's perspective on modern and contemporary history, abandon the class historical view imposed on Ukraine by the Soviet Union, and bravely take the lead in recognizing the Ukrainian People's Republic as the independent orthodoxy of the time, and regard it as the legal successor to Kievan Rus and the Cossack Hetmanate.

In this way, the Ukrainian Soviet Republic, which replaced the Ukrainian People's Republic, had a complete legal inheritance and would not be questioned as a branch regime of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union or a puppet state of the Soviet Union.

Even if the Ukrainian Soviet Republic was in fact a puppet state supported by the Russian Red Army, Haniyev had to find legal support to prove that it was not a puppet state, otherwise Ukraine would still go down the old path of brain confusion and denial of history after its independence.

The Ukrainian People's Republic existed for a short time but was very important to the Ukrainian nation. Its importance in the Ukrainian national history is like that of the Ming Dynasty in Khitan history.

The Ming Dynasty was like a bright light that illuminated the Khitan people who had been humiliated and oppressed by foreign rule for a hundred years. The Ukrainian People's Republic was like a bright light that illuminated the dark moments from 1709 to 1917, when Ukraine was ruled by Tsarist Russia for more than 200 years.

The Ukrainian People's Republic, like the Han Chinese regime of the Ming Dynasty, played a role of inheriting the past and ushering in the future for the Ukrainian national regime, indicating that the legal incense of the Ukrainian national regime was still there, and it returned to the hands of the Ukrainians themselves in March 1917.

Recognizing the legitimacy of the Ukrainian People's Republic means recognizing that the Ukrainian state did not disappear because of the rule of the Tsarist Russia. Since the two major regimes in the ninth, seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, the Ukrainian national regime still has successors, namely the Ukrainian People's Republic regime established on March 17, 1917 and perished in 1920.

By recognizing the legitimate legal rights of the Ukrainian People's Republic, the Ukrainian Soviet Republic played a role of inheriting the past and ushering in the future in the national history of Ukraine's independence. In this way, the Ukrainian Soviet Republic became the country that replaced the Ukrainian People's Republic and inherited the latest legal rights.

As for Ukraine's incorporation into the Soviet Union, Haniyev emphasized Lenin's original words to show that the great mentor supported Ukraine's independence, and that Ukraine joined the Soviet Union for the great goal of forming a federation, not a merger of countries.

In this way, Ukraine can still recognize its decades of membership in the Soviet Union after its independence a few years later. It is nothing more than treating this period of history as a couple who got married for 80 years and then divorced and lived separately. There is absolutely no need to deny the Soviet period in order to find the legitimacy of independence in the future.

Chapter 187: Ukrainian National Historical Perspective (4)

Haniyev's words set the tone for Ukraine's national historical view and unified the opinions of the Ukrainian academic community.

After obtaining the approval of all staff of the Ukrainian Textbook Editing Center, Haniyev's views on Ukrainian national history were approved. Then, the history of Ukraine was sorted and summarized according to the historical context formulated by Haniyev himself, and finally revised into a book "History of the Development of the Ukrainian Nationality". The content of the book "History of the Development of the Ukrainian Nationality" was used to compile the national culture textbooks for Ukrainian primary and secondary schools.

This book and the ideas in it are the Ukrainian national historical view.

However, in order to allow the Ukrainian national historical perspective to develop and avoid arousing the vigilance and suppression of the Soviet officials as soon as it appeared, the history of Ukrainian national independence had to be packaged as a more moderate term, the history of Ukrainian national development, before the collapse of the Soviet Union. The historical content should also be avoided as much as possible and only touched upon briefly.

After unifying our thoughts, we edited the primary school textbooks very smoothly. In less than three days, the content of the primary school ethnic culture course was completed, because primary school students have relatively little and shallow content related to ethnic culture and history.

However, when the editors of the Ukrainian Textbook Editing Center began to edit the national culture textbooks for middle schools, they found it very difficult because it involved the modern history of the Soviet Union. Ukraine's modern national movements were basically criticized by the Soviet Union, and this object of criticism obviously had no need to be included in the textbooks.

Many editors were undecided, and after some discussion they approached Haniyev.

After learning about this, Haniyev also looked through the old Russian and Ukrainian textbooks. Finally, he sighed and said, "Don't worry about the Russian textbooks. Just compile the Ukrainian textbooks according to the thread of our revised 'History of the Development of the Ukrainian Nation'. The previous content is fine. We can slowly refine the content involving the early 20th century."

In this way, in early July, the textbooks of many middle school national culture courses such as Ukrainian language and Ukrainian history were revised and improved. Especially when it came to modern history and figures, Haniyev stayed in the editorial office every day to communicate with all the editors, for fear of any situation that would go against Soviet history.

Now is not after 1990, and the political system reform has just begun. Gorbachev's authority is still difficult to shake, and the Soviet Union's class historical view is also politically correct. The "Ukrainian national historical view" compiled by Haniyev and others was enough to be purged and shot during the Stalin era. Even though the policy is now relaxed and there is freedom of speech, as a senior cadre of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union, Haniyev cannot openly sing against the central government, so he can only take a subtle way to add his own opinions to the Ukrainian textbooks.

During the most sensitive period from 1917 to 1922, Haniyev and others carefully considered every word. The "History of the Development of the Ukrainian Nation" they compiled has been finalized and will be printed and published and put on the market in a few months. However, textbooks and commercial books are still different. The Soviet Union's review of ideology in textbooks is far more stringent than that of publishing houses' publications.

The Ukrainian People's Republic is the most difficult topic for the Soviet Union and Ukraine at present. Several separatist forces, including the Ukrainian People's Republic and the Ukrainian Soviet Republic, the Black Army, the White Army, Western Ukraine, and German-controlled Ukraine, have kept Ukraine in chaos for a long time from 1917 to 1922.

Under the Soviet class historical view, the Ukrainian Soviet Republic was the only orthodoxy, and all other regimes were reactionary regimes and bandit gangs. Even though the Ukrainian People's Republic had the support of most of the bourgeoisie and intellectuals at the time and was an independent regime recognized by Lenin, the Black Army was mainly composed of Cossack free peasants and was an anarchist who was not interested in fighting the world. It even joined forces with the Communist Party of the Soviet Union to fight against the White Army before 1918, but it was still regarded as a bandit army and a reactionary government.

With such a definite evaluation, Haniyev and others naturally have to be cautious if they want to change their tone.

Finally, in textbooks such as Ukrainian national culture, when mentioning the Ukrainian People's Republic and the Black Army, as well as the two leaders Petliura and Makhno, the tone was much milder than in Russian textbooks, and there was more or less some objective and fair evaluation.

In fact, in the "History of the Development of the Ukrainian Nation" compiled by Haniyev and others, there are much fewer negative comments about the Ukrainian People's Republic and the Black Army, and a lot of positive comments have been added for the first time. For example, the Ukrainian People's Republic was the first regime in the early 20th century for the Ukrainian people to break away from the tyranny of Tsarist Russia (I still don't dare to use the term national government here). Although this regime represented the interests of the Ukrainian petty bourgeoisie and bourgeoisie, intellectuals, and landlords at that time, they were all willing to break away from the colonial rule of Tsarist Russia and restore the national independence regime that had been interrupted for two hundred years in Ukraine.

Compared with the Ukrainian People's Republic, the Black Army represented the interests of the rich peasants, middle peasants and other free peasants at that time. They advocated backwardness and lacked a political program. The so-called "anarcho-communism" was not communism at all, but it also represented that the free peasants represented by the middle peasants and rich peasants in Ukraine were also eager to break away from the tyranny of Tsarist Russia and gain independence.

Other puppet regimes and warlord separatist forces continued to follow the Soviet class historical view in the history of national development and were criticized as gangs, hooligans, and traitorous reactionaries.

According to the "History of the Development of the Ukrainian Nation", the Ukrainian Soviet Republic represented the fundamental interests of the broad proletariat of Ukraine. The proletariat of Ukraine is the workers and poor peasants, who account for more than 60% of the total population. The Black Army represented the interests of the middle peasants and rich peasants in Ukraine. The Ukrainian People's Republic represented the interests of the bourgeoisie and the petty bourgeoisie. The three regimes had different starting points but the same demands. They also encompassed the entire Ukrainian nation and represented the wishes and demands of the Ukrainian nation at that time.

It was only because the old bureaucrats, intellectuals and capitalists controlled the most social resources and had the greatest power and influence at that time that the Ukrainian People's Republic became the first national independent regime and was recognized by most Ukrainians at the time, including Russia.

However, the backward ideology and system of the Ukrainian People's Republic could not solve the chaos and devastation in Ukraine. Finally, after more than four years of civil war, the Ukrainian people chose the Soviet regime.

All the people of Ukraine have also accepted socialist transformation. They no longer fight for independence from a class standpoint, but seek the liberation of all mankind based on a unified large-class perspective.

"History of Development" only touches on many aspects of modern history, but any discerning person can still understand its meaning after reading the book.

The core idea of ​​the book is still to regard the Ukrainian Soviet Republic as orthodox, but this orthodoxy is based on the inheritance and absorption of the Ukrainian People's Republic and the Black Army, not because of the support of the Communist Party of Russia. This is the legal support for whether Ukraine is an independent country. Perhaps no one cared during the Soviet era, but after 1991, this statement was unclear, and the establishment of Ukraine became unclear and improper.

Haniyev does not want some Russian emperor to say in 20 or 30 years that the Ukrainian nation and state do not exist.

However, it is heretical to openly put forward these ideas and statements at this time. During the Stalin era, countless intellectuals who advocated for Ukrainian national independence were killed. Now, such remarks are still unrecognized fallacies and heresies.

Haniyev knew that the "Ukrainian national historical view" he had led could only be circulated internally for the time being, and could not be publicly promoted for at least one to six months.

Therefore, after discussion, Haniyev and others agreed that the book "History of the Development of the Ukrainian Nation" should not be published and sold for the time being, but should wait until the Soviet Union's political system reform has progressed to a certain level before publishing it.

……

After more than ten days of hard work, on July 12, the ethnic textbooks for Ukrainian middle schools were finalized.

Haniyev asked Nevsky and Ganur to personally deliver the first draft to the Moscow State Textbook Editing Center, and attached several cars of valuable gifts. This money temporarily diverted the funds of the State National Education Press, and the cost of printing textbooks would be solved once it came down, and there would even be a large surplus.

The Ukrainian textbooks and Ukrainian national textbooks that Haniyev and others smuggled in a lot of private material were soon approved by the Moscow State Textbook Editing Center. Haniyev was very happy when he got the news. He knew that senior intellectuals in Moscow were all "public intellectuals" who were looking forward to the complete Westernization of the Soviet Union, and many of them also hoped that the CPSU would collapse and disintegrate. Therefore, even if problems were found during the review of the Ukrainian national textbooks, they would not care, not to mention the many gifts sent by Nevsky and others.

The leaders of the Moscow Education Committee naturally gave the textbooks a symbolic inspection and approved them.

On Friday, July 15, it rained heavily in Kyiv and the streets were deserted, but the printing house under the State National Education Press was very busy with crowds of people and traffic.

Nearly 50,000 primary schools and more than 10,000 secondary schools in Ukraine will start the new semester on September 1st. The textbooks needed by 60,000 schools can fill up the Liberation Monument Square in Kyiv. The time is tight and the task is heavy. In order to print all the textbooks in mid-August and send them to various provinces and cities in the second half of the month, the printing plant of the Education Press has been running at full capacity, day and night.

Under the coordination of the Education Commission, many departments such as forestry and industry provided convenience to the printing factory, and materials for the paper mill and ink factory were also brought in one after another by cars from the Capital Transportation Company.

Because today is the first day of printing, in order to ensure that there are no problems, Haniyev and officials from the Ukrainian Textbook Editing Center stayed at the printing factory until the first batch of primary and secondary school textbooks were all printed. After Haniyev carefully checked and made sure there were no problems, he breathed a sigh of relief.

"With this textbook, we can ensure that Ukrainian children and young people have a complete and clear national identity..."

Chapter 188: Ukrainian National Historical Perspective (5)

Monday, August 1988, 7.

Haniyev, who had been busy for too long, slept until 9 o'clock in the morning even though he rested at home for a weekend.

Tatiana, who is nearly three months pregnant, has been very sleepy recently. After getting up and washing up, Haniyev came back and saw his wife still sleeping soundly. He smiled slightly, leaned over and kissed her lightly on the cheek.

"Honey, do you want to sleep?"

"Honey, I'm a little thirsty."

Tatyana said, gently touching Haniyev's face, feeling his hard stubble.

Haniyev consciously poured a glass of water for his wife and fed her to drink.

"Are you still going to work today?"

"I've taken a long vacation to accompany you. How about I take you to Yalta for a vacation and recuperation? The weather in Kiev has been too hot recently."

"I've been feeling down lately and don't want to go anywhere..."

Tatyana smiled bitterly and said, "But I know you want to go to Shcherbitsky. The physiotherapist there can indeed give me a massage. I think it's okay to go."

Haniyev chuckled and asked, "How did you know I was going to see Shcherbitsky?"

"Didn't you go to see Nicholas yesterday?"

Tatiana smiled faintly. "He must have contacted Shcherbitsky. Since you mentioned going to Yalta, you must go. I'm your wife, so I can't hold you back, can I?"

"Nothing can be hidden from you."

Haniyev chuckled and said, "As expected, she's my bedmate. Do you know what I'm going to do?"

Tatyana sat up in bed, touched her slightly bulging belly, raised an eyebrow and said, "I think you should strive for the governorship of Kharkiv or Donetsk. Haven't you always wanted to be governor?"

Haniyev smiled and nodded: "Yes, I have always wanted to be the governor and secretary of Kharkiv. This is the former capital and second largest city of Ukraine, and the soul of the Donbas region. Only if I have been the top leader in Kharkiv can I be worthy of the title and impeccable in the central government.

Last time, because Gulenko refused to cooperate, I wasn't able to go to Kharkiv as deputy governor. Shcherbitsky told me to wait patiently. I've waited for seven months, establishing my "Ukrainian national perspective" at the Education Commission, but still haven't had the opportunity. I feel there's no point in continuing at the Education Commission, so yesterday I went to see Nikolay to ask Shcherbitsky about the status of my personnel arrangements. Nikolay told me that because Gorbachev is implementing political system reforms and has requested a temporary personnel freeze, Gulenko has a reason not to transfer me.

"Gurenko is the First Secretary of Ukraine. I'm afraid Shcherbitsky can't help you."

Tatiana pursed her lips and said.

Haniyev snorted coldly, "Gurenko is disobedient. Sherbitsky is also very angry. He is now a retired vice-minister and can't touch Gurenko. Gurenko even has the idea of ​​replacing him as a vice-minister. After all, according to tradition, the First Secretary of Ukraine should always be on the Presidium of the Soviets and the Politburo. He is now just a member of the Central Committee and a substitute member of the Politburo. Naturally, he is unwilling to accept this.

I went to see Shcherbitsky not only for my own personal advancement, but also to help the old man deal with Gulenko. Perhaps I can help him make a comeback and regain power in Ukraine?

Tatiana raised her eyebrows beautifully and said with admiration, "Although I don't understand politics, I know that you must have ideas, Victor. You don't have a father who is a central government minister, nor a grandfather who is a marshal. You can become the deputy director of our Ukrainian Education Committee at the age of 28, which is a senior cadre at the deputy provincial level. I think you are very impressive, my dear. Many second-generation and third-generation reds with noble backgrounds may not be able to make faster progress than you.

We already fell in love with you when you bravely stood up during the Chernobyl disaster. In my mind, you are like a hero like Pavel Korchagin. My dear, I feel that even the huge crisis of the Chernobyl nuclear leak did not faze you. Your wisdom is beyond that of ordinary people..."

Pillow talk is always powerful. Haniyev looked at his wife's eyes full of admiration and his heart suddenly felt hot.

"Thank you, dear..."

Holding Tatyana and kissing her deeply, Haniyev climbed to the top with his hands as if he was using a navigation system.

"Well... the doctor said it's not possible now..."

Tatyana moaned and held down Haniyev's restless big hand.

Looking at his wife's pleading face, Haniyev whispered in her ear with a wicked smile: "Then use your mouth..."

Tatiana hummed in dissatisfaction, but finally lowered her head.

Half an hour later, Haniyev went downstairs to have breakfast refreshed. While he was eating bread, he saw his younger brother Sidlov holding the "History of the Development of the Ukrainian Nation" that he had brought back yesterday and reading it with relish in the living room.

After Haniyev finished eating, Sidlov sat down in front of him, holding the book and said in a deep voice, "Brother, this book you edited is really great. It clearly explains the origins, development, and culture of our Ukrainian nation, as well as the countries that have been passed down through the ages. However, the statements and evaluations of the Ukrainian People's Republic in your book are a bit different from what we learned in school, and even a bit unorthodox..."

"But do you think the theory in this book is correct?"

"Correct."

Sidlov nodded and said solemnly: "The Ukrainian Soviet Republic was founded by the Russians who ruled Ukraine back then. So the unification of Ukraine was also based on the strength of the Russian Red Army. It can be said that the Ukrainian Soviet Republic is a puppet. If we, the Ukrainian people, are an independent nation, not a vassal of the Russians, and Ukraine is an independent country, not a part of Russia, and we look at Ukraine from the perspective of the Soviet Union's decades of history, we have already denied our own history.

Your book introduces our oldest and most glorious Principality of Kievan Rus, as well as the Cossack Hetmanate that inherited Kievan Rus. Neither Poland, Tsarist Russia nor Russia has the right or qualification to rule us. We are the indigenous people and masters of this land of Ukraine.

The Ukrainian People's Republic at that time was the first Ukrainian national regime in modern times, and it was indeed recognized by most Ukrainians and Lenin.

It is indeed reasonable to say that the Ukrainian People's Republic inherited the legal system of Kievan Rus and the Cossack Hetmanate, but don't forget, brother, that the Ukrainian People's Republic ceded and sold out Galicia and Volhynia in the west in 1920, causing human tragedies to continue to break out in these lands during World War II.

As the leader of the Ukrainian People's Republic, Petliura is a traitor. If we truly recognize the Ukrainian People's Republic, does that mean we must also recognize Petliura's traitorous treaty? Even if we don't, as a regime that has produced a traitorous leader, can we really publicly recognize them?

Haniyev chuckled and said, "I've already considered your concerns, so I've made my point clear in my book 'History of the Development of the Ukrainian Nation.' You probably haven't read the rest."

Sidlov hummed and flipped through the pages quickly. After a moment, he said, "Are you saying that you only recognize the Central Rada of Ukraine and the Ukrainian People's Republic founded by Chairman Mikhail Sergeyevich Grushevsky, and not the regime under Petliura? Does that mean you can sever the Ukrainian People's Republic?"

Haniyev chuckled, "It's impossible to describe the history of our Ukrainian nation in too much detail at this time. Many people and events in modern times have already been officially concluded by the Soviet Union. If we express our views now, it would be tantamount to reversing their verdict. Talking about people and events from that period at this juncture is too sensitive, so this book only points out the general direction and does not dare to go into too much detail."

But no matter what, Petliura is a traitor on the pillar of shame, and he is not worthy of being the leader of the Ukrainian nation. However, Chairman Mikhail Sergeyevich Grushevsky was a well-known writer at the time and the founder of the Ukrainian People's Republic. After the Ukrainian Soviet Republic unified Ukraine and joined the Soviet Union, he also became an academician of the Soviet Academy of Sciences. His status and evaluation, especially the Soviet Union's final verdict on him, were completely opposite to Petliura.

Taking into account the fact that the Ukrainian nation must recognize the Central Rada and the Ukrainian People's Republic established by Mikhail Sergeyevich Grushevsky, and taking into account the Soviet historical view, we must even more recognize the Ukrainian national regime established by Grushevsky.

In other words, we must recognize that the Ukrainian People's Republic is a regime that inherits the legal system of Kievan Rus, and only then can we Ukraine be considered a complete nation and country.

We also have to consider that because the Ukrainian Soviet regime later unified Ukraine through civil war, we must characterize the traitorous Petliura regime that followed Grushevsky as a gang of bandits, traitors, and national sinners, so that the Ukrainian Soviet would be the completely righteous side.

Moreover, Chairman Mikhail Sergeyevich Grushevsky later joined the side of justice, thus making the Ukrainian Soviet Republic the new regime that inherited Ukrainian legal principles and justice. Only then could we, the generations of Ukrainians after 1922, be considered the legitimate heirs of the Ukrainian nation and national power, and we would have reason to argue with Russia in the future that we were not their vassals.