Servant of the People in Kyiv

Haniyev racked his brains for this. In order to deceive the anti-Soviet senior intellectuals in the Soviet Union, he prepared to include in the textbooks articles that could indeed bring discredit to the Soviet Union and advocate for the United States. However, Haniyev's starting point was "low-level red" and "high-level black". He divided these articles into low-level according to their content and cultural core, and prepared to include some in primary school textbooks and some in middle school textbooks.

The purpose was to lure children and teenagers in the Soviet Union and Ukraine into the trap first. For example, the first article was "Marshal Zhukov and Commander Eisenhower". This article flattered the Allied Forces and Allied Commander Eisenhower, which completely met the "flattering" demands of the senior intellectuals and reformers who edited the textbooks. At the same time, Haniyev added content about the Soviet Red Army and Red Army Marshal Zhukov to the text. You must know that almost all content about the Red Army and Soviet generals has been deleted from the current Soviet primary school textbooks.

These old Soviet traitors were very dissatisfied with the Soviet Red Army and did not want their children to learn anything about the history of the Soviet Red Army.

Although Haniyev continued to belittle the image of Zhukov and the Soviet Red Army in order to highlight the Allies, the children in the Soviet Union and Ukraine eventually learned from their textbooks that World War II was won by the cooperation of the Allies and the Soviet Red Army. When these children grow up and have access to more knowledge and information in the future, they will know that the content of the article "Marshal Zhukov and Commander Eisenhower" learned in elementary school contains false and deceptive elements, and belittles the Soviet Red Army. At that time, these children will suddenly realize and will be more proactive in understanding the correct history of the Soviet Union.

There is also a second article titled "Grandpa Stalin Used a Stone to Shoot Down a NATO Satellite". Since primary school students are too young and easy to be deceived, this article full of loopholes, which was intended to expose lies and discredit Stalin, can only be included in middle school textbooks.

But in fact, Haniyev had high expectations for this text, thinking that it was a set within a set. After learning this text, middle school students in the Soviet Union and Ukraine would naturally think that the little hero and Stalin of that year were liars who deceived everyone as fools. This would make many middle school students more disgusted with Stalin and even the Communist Party of the Soviet Union.

However, when they suddenly realize the truth about the texts they learned in elementary school, such as "Marshal Zhukov and Commander Eisenhower", and think that they have been learning "toxic textbooks" in school, they will reflect on texts such as "Grandpa Stalin knocked down NATO satellites with stones", and realize that these are toxic textbooks written by Soviet traitors to poison them, rather than being written by the Soviet authorities to fool the people.

There are roughly eight articles written by Haniyev, all of which are "low-level red" articles that excessively praise Stalin, Khrushchev, and Brezhnev, as well as "high-level black" articles about the United States. In addition to the eight key articles, that printed volume also contains many American articles specially collected by Haniyev.

As long as these articles were included in Soviet textbooks, they would naturally fulfill the wishes of the anti-Soviet senior intellectuals in the first few years and make Soviet children and teenagers look up to the United States and hate the Communist Party of the Soviet Union. However, as time goes by, at most ten or eight years later, these young people will wake up, which will arouse their rebellious psychology and indignation after being fooled, and they will change from "angry young people" who look up to and admire the United States and hate the Communist Party of the Soviet Union to patriotic and rational young people.

The so-called low-level red is to praise and publicize the leaders, policies and advanced models of the Party and the country in a dogmatic, mechanical and even vulgar way, which makes the people disgusted or even disgusted with it.

High-level black is to interpret the policy instructions of the Party and the country in an extreme way, implement the policies excessively, and thus arouse the disgust of the people.

The so-called "the policy from above is good, but it changes when it reaches the lower level" is a form of high-level black talk. The reforms of Wang Anshi and Zhang Juzheng were ruined by high-level black talk. In later generations, the understanding and grasp of the central government's policies and the excessive protective bans by many government officials of the Khitan during the "three-year epidemic" were also "high-level black talk" in a sense.

Even in the great movement launched by the great leader, there were many people who took advantage of the situation and used low-level red and high-level black to change the nature and direction of this great movement.

Haniyev, who has lived two lives, is very clear about these routines, but the Soviets are still unaware of them. Therefore, Haniyev can quietly promote the editing of "poisonous textbooks" of "low-level red and high-level black".

After about a week of discussion and even debate, the articles, short stories, exercises, etc. in the printed booklet brought by Haniyev and his team were all approved by the editor-in-chief, deputy editor-in-chief and editors of the Soviet State Textbook Editing Center, and were prepared to be included in the latest Soviet primary and secondary school textbooks.

Haniyev was very satisfied with the result and felt that his plan was half successful.

Through his unremitting efforts, not only did the content he hoped to include in Soviet primary and secondary school textbooks include it, but with Potanin's help, Haniyev also had a few drinks with the leaders of the Soviet Education Commission and became very familiar with them.

After the third drinking session, because Potanin absorbed funds from three leaders of the Education Committee and invested in the company, Haniyev also won the right to independently print Ukrainian textbooks.

The so-called independent printing is a lucrative business. If all the primary and secondary school textbooks in Ukraine were produced by a printing factory in Kiev, it would be a big business worth more than 10 million rubles, with a profit of at least 2 to 3 million. Even if this money has to be given to the Ukrainian Education Commission, Haniyev, as the implementer, can still make a lot of money.

However, Haniyev did not intend to make a fortune by independently printing textbooks. The fundamental purpose of his efforts to obtain the Ukrainian Education Commission's independent printing of textbooks was to obtain the right to print and modify Ukrainian textbooks, so that he could make fine adjustments to the primary and secondary school textbooks again on the grounds of national characteristics when printing the textbooks.

Haniyev was well aware that the collapse of the Soviet Union was an irreversible fact. All he could do was try his best to gain greater power before the collapse, become a high-ranking official in Ukraine, and preferably become the father of Ukraine's independence, leading Ukraine on the road to prosperity and strength. That would be the end of his life.

Because he has regarded Ukraine as his own private property, Haniyev is naturally most concerned about Ukraine when planning in the field of education, especially when dealing with the issue of toxic teaching materials.

According to Haniyev's expectation, after the latest version of the Soviet textbooks is finalized, he will lead the officials and editors of the Ukrainian Textbook Editing Center back to Ukraine to discuss a way to preserve the great and precious spiritual core of the Soviet Union while finding the legal basis for Ukraine's national independence. This way will be added to the Ukrainian textbooks in a fragmented manner using teaching materials as a carrier, so as to subtly find a spiritual pillar for Ukraine's young people and the next generation, so as to prevent the disintegration of the Soviet Union and the independent Ukraine from becoming a country that forgets its ancestors, denies history, and is confused.

Lying in bed, rubbing his stomach, which was swollen with acid reflux after a hangover, Haniyev sighed and muttered, "Is it easy for me to do this for Ukraine? I hope everything in the future will be worthy of my efforts..."

Chapter 184: Ukraine’s National Historical Perspective (1)

In June 1988, the 6th Party Congress was held in the Kremlin in Moscow.

The meeting first reviewed the implementation of the resolutions of the 27th Congress of the CPSU and the implementation of the tasks of deepening reform. General Secretary Gorbachev delivered a report and proposed political system reform for the first time.

At this meeting, Yeltsin made a profound self-criticism in front of 5000 party representatives, begging for forgiveness from Gorbachev and others and for his reinstatement.

This conference was different from previous party congresses and plenary sessions. The speeches at the conference were no longer reviewed in advance, but were left to the delegates to express themselves freely. It seemed that Gorbachev was really prepared to open up the channels for speech, let in the winds of criticism and self-criticism, and pave the way for future political system reform and multi-party rule.

However, history has proven that opening up channels for public opinion could really help the Soviet Union embark on a path of democratic and free development.

This conference determined that the Soviet Union had truly embarked on the path of learning from the United States, reforming its political system, and disarming itself. Yeltsin's self-examination and capriciousness were destined to never win Gorbachev's favor again, and from then on he would embark on a path of radical reform and confrontation.

While Gorbachev was listening to the opinions and suggestions of various committees on reform work, Haniyev had already embarked on the return journey with more than a dozen people from the Ukrainian Textbook Editing Center.

After communicating with the editor-in-chief, deputy editor-in-chief and editors of the National Textbook Editing Center, the materials provided by Haniyev have been included in the new version of the Soviet primary and secondary school textbooks. He also fought for the rights to adapt the textbooks for Ukraine. It can be said that all goals have been achieved, and naturally he has to go back.

After being away from home for about a month, Haniyev returned to his home in Kiev and learned the good news as soon as he saw his parents and wife.

That is, Tatiana is pregnant. She went to the hospital for a check-up a few days ago and confirmed that she is five weeks pregnant.

Haniyev knew that the seeds were sown by his failure to take appropriate measures before he went out. He was already 28 years old and it was indeed time for him to have his own children.

Haniyev was very happy and hugged Tatyana and kissed her a few times, then he stayed at home quietly with his wife for several days.

However, the adjustment and finalization of Ukraine's new textbooks and the final printing work were Haniyev's job. Within a few days, Nevsky and Ganur urged him to go and provide guidance.

After a month of working with Haniyev's team at the Moscow National Textbook Editing Center, he has now become the leader of the Ukrainian Textbook Editing Center and the backbone of the editors. Everyone is impressed by Haniyev's ability and vision, and is full of confidence in his ability to lead everyone to do a good job in accordance with the new reform requirements.

After promising his wife that he would return home early, Haniyev drove his own bus to the Education Committee. After reporting on his work in Moscow to the Education Committee Director Kvit, he received praise from Kvit.

Afterwards, Haniyev took Eve to Yard 51, two kilometers away from the office building, which is a warehouse for storing textbooks and also the office location of the Ukrainian Textbook Editing Center.

In accordance with Haniyev's request, the secretariat has sent people to clean the place, and Eve has also begun to notify the editors of the Ukrainian Textbook Editing Center and the editorial leaders of the National Education Press to report for duty.

That afternoon, Haniyev held a meeting in the conference room of the Ukrainian Textbook Editing Center, covering the departments and centers under his charge and all the editors of the Textbook Editing Center.

According to Haniyev's meeting requirements, everyone must concentrate on improving and revising the Ukrainian primary and secondary school textbooks, strive to finalize them before the end of the month, and hand them over to the printing plant of the National Education Press for printing. Before September 1 this year, when the next semester starts, children and young people across the country must use the latest version of the textbooks.

The six or seven courses in Ukrainian primary and secondary schools, such as "Russian Language and Literature", "Mathematics", "Natural Sciences", "Arts", "Ukrainian Language", "National Culture and History" or "Social Sciences", are the most basic and regular subjects. For primary and secondary school students in big cities, they also have courses such as "Computer" and "English", but most of these course textbooks have now been finalized.

Haniyev, Baninkov and others decided on the content of textbooks for the most important subjects in Moscow, but did not discuss the textbooks for subjects related to national culture and language.

This subject textbook involving national culture was edited by the education committee of each republic at the beginning of the establishment of the Soviet Union, because the ideology and culture of the founding of the country were the most advanced at that time. The great Soviet Union never talked about the difference between nationalities and states, but only talked about class struggle and aimed to liberate the world and all mankind. Such a great country is naturally the country that respects the culture of ethnic minorities the most.

The Soviet Union's respect for ethnic minorities was unprecedented. Even if you, as a member republic, said you had no ethnic minorities, the Communist Party of the Soviet Union would create an ethnic group for you and highly respect your national culture, such as the Belarusian ethnic group in the Republic of Belarus.

The Ukrainian Republic had a very special status within the Soviet Union. It was basically second only to Russia, and at certain periods in history it was even on par with Russia. However, compared with the Russians, the Ukrainians were still a minority after all, and naturally they could also enjoy the Soviet Union's ethnic policies.

According to the Soviet Union's ethnic policy, Ukrainian schools must have courses on national languages ​​and cultures, and the textbooks for this subject can be completely decided by the country's education committee.

Haniyev has basically taken control of Ukraine's National Textbook Editing Center. He is also one of the most advanced leaders in culture, admired by famous professors and academicians in Ukraine's education and cultural circles. Therefore, Haniyev, who returned to Kiev, is ready to let go and do a great job.

After unifying ideas through the meeting, Haniyev began to demand the addition of some Ukrainian poetry and articles to Ukraine's primary and secondary school textbooks. This is understandable in itself. Moreover, the Ukrainian professors and writers who participated in the editing of the textbooks are also representatives of Ukrainian national independence. Naturally, they are happy to let Ukrainian children learn more about Ukrainian culture.

It can be said that Haniyev's decision was very popular, which also prevented him from facing resistance when making the second decision.

After everyone agreed to add some Ukrainian poetry articles to the primary and secondary school textbooks, Haniyev directly divided the work among editors such as Draco and Makar. These people were originally working to promote local culture and seek Ukrainian national independence, and they all gladly accepted this task.

Seeing that everyone at the National Textbook Editing Center was very cooperative, Haniyev nodded in satisfaction and said, "Now let's discuss the second topic, which is also the biggest issue for Ukraine in this textbook reform, namely the textbooks for courses such as 'Ukrainian Language,' 'National Culture and History,' and 'Social Sciences.'"

These compulsory courses in primary and secondary schools are mainly based on our Ukrainian language and culture, and they also have to talk about the formation and history of the Ukrainian nation to a greater or lesser extent. Our textbooks used to avoid this or were extremely concise, only talking about the historical Kievan Rus and Tsarist Russia, indicating that Ukraine and Russia have been as close as brothers from Kievan Rus to Tsarist Russia, and even have the historical origins of the same country.

However, this old view is no longer widely accepted in Ukrainian academia, and many of you here are mainstream scholars who oppose this view. Therefore, I hope to use this educational reform to finalize the content and direction of our Ukrainian curriculum, thus refining the Ukrainian national historical perspective that has been vague since the beginning of this century.

Upon hearing Haniyev's decision, many scholars and editors attending the conference were surprised and happy. They were surprised that Haniyev dared to take on such an important task, and they were happy that finally a brave leader with status, ability and courage had come forward to establish Ukraine's national historical perspective.

As the most important part of the Soviet Union, Ukraine has had many stories with the Communist Party of the Soviet Union in history. Many well-known figures in Ukrainian history were considered to be evil people with heinous crimes under the Soviet Union's socialist historical view, and they had long been thrown into hell and could not turn over.

However, many Ukrainian cultural figures do not agree with the Soviet Union's socialist historical view. They do not think that only Ukrainians who support and join the CPSU are good people. Other Ukrainian revolutionaries and leaders who did not join the CPSU or even fought against the CPSU are still representatives of the Ukrainian nation and independent forces. They are still the pioneers of Ukraine's resistance to the tyranny of Tsarist Russia and the pursuit of independence. If they are not recognized, Ukraine will not be able to find a complete independent thread.

In recent years, the Ukrainian cultural circle, represented by well-known scholars and poets such as Ivanov, Ivan Drak, Gonchar, and Makar, has been voicing the voice of Ukrainian national independence, and there are even signs of political independence.

When Shcherbytsky was in power, he had been suppressing the formation of Ukrainian national independence forces, blocking and controlling the formation and promotion of Ukrainian national independence speech and thought. However, after Shcherbytsky stepped down in the past two years, Gulenko has acted in a very moderate manner. He not only obeyed the reforms ordered by the central government, but also took appropriate care of Shcherbytsky's faction. This allowed Ukraine's national independence forces to gradually take shape.

Although Ivanov, Ivan Drak, Gonchar, Makar and others each had their own opinions, they also had something in common, that is, they demanded that the Chernobyl nuclear power plant be completely shut down and that the Soviet authorities compensate the 30 people who suffered in Chernobyl. These cultural leaders were unanimous, and it was precisely because of this consensus that Ukraine's "Rukh (People's Movement)" had the conditions to grow.

In addition to the environmental protection demand of shutting down nuclear power plants, Ivanov, Ivan Drak, Gonchar, Makar and others have another basically consistent demand, which is to improve and clarify the independent historical perspective of the Ukrainian nation.

Chapter 185: Ukrainian National Historical Perspective (2)

Ivanov, Ivan Draco, Gonchar, Makar and dozens of other well-known scholars, poets and academicians from Kiev, Kharkiv and other places are the most culturally and influential figures in Ukraine and even the Soviet Union at that time.

They have insights and knowledge beyond those of ordinary people, and they also want to have a freer status and more wealth. Therefore, after learning about some of the American cultural systems and wealth, they have always yearned for the United States and strongly supported Gorbachev's Westernization reforms.

The source of Ukraine's national independence struggle was in the 17th century when Cossack leader Bohdan Khmelnytsky led the Ukrainian people in their struggle against the overlord Poland and established an independent Cossack Emirate. Later, independent national thought began to germinate and develop in the 19th century, and reached a climax during the period of Stepan Bandera.

Scholars such as Ivan Draco have always been supporters of Ukrainian national independence. It can be said that all senior Ukrainian intellectuals who are not high-ranking officials in the Soviet system are supporters of Ukrainian national independence.

Because they know so much, they have always been dissatisfied with the Soviet Union's great power chauvinism that suppressed Ukraine's sense of national independence. They are also very dissatisfied with the small Ukrainian historical view under the great Soviet class historical view, believing that this is disrespectful and distorted to the real history. They have been working hard in all aspects to unlock and publicize the history of Ukrainian independence that was changed and hidden by the CPSU in history, and to clearly organize a history of Ukrainian national independence with a clear context that is on par with the great Soviet class historical view.

However, due to the Soviet Union's forced ideological education on Ukrainians for decades, Ukraine has never been able to form a historical perspective on national independence. Even because of the negative evaluations of national leaders and independence pioneers in Ukrainian history over the years, most Ukrainians do not have a clear national perspective. This has created a huge gap between senior intellectuals and the vast majority of Ukrainian people in the understanding of national historical perspectives.

In fact, strictly speaking, because Ukraine has not existed as an independent country for a long time in history, and its language and culture are very similar to those of neighboring countries, and the Soviet Union's class historical view suppresses the national historical view, even great scholars such as Ivanov, Draco, Gonchar, and Makar do not have a clear understanding of the history of national independence.

Now, as the leader of the Ukrainian Ministry of Education and the leader of this educational textbook reform, Haniyev has come forward to say that he wants to use the momentum of educational system reform to revise and clarify the history of Ukrainian national independence, which has been blurred for more than 70 years, and include it in the textbooks. This is to establish a complete Ukrainian national historical perspective.

Others may not understand, but great Ukrainian scholars such as Ivanov, Draco, Gonchar, and Makar are all very clear that Haniyev is doing something of the greatest importance to the Ukrainian nation, something that will benefit future generations.

Thinking of this, Draco, Gonchar and others were so excited that they could hardly control themselves. They stood up and expressed their willingness to do their best to help Deputy Director Haniyev edit the national culture textbooks and establish Ukraine's national historical view, which had always been unsystematic.

After the meeting, many people went about their own business, but intellectuals such as Ivanov, Ivan Draco, Gonchar, and Makar pestered Haniyev. They had long wanted to accomplish the great cause of perfecting the history of Ukrainian national independence, but they had no government support and no unified understanding, so they could only rely on some one-sided understanding to educate their students.

Now that Haniyev has finally appeared, they have become accustomed to relying on him, so naturally they want to strike while the iron is hot. They surrounded him and asked him when they would start revising the national culture textbooks, how to grasp the general direction of Ukraine's national historical perspective, and other questions.

Since Haniyev dared to propose this, he must have thought it over carefully. In the original historical line, after the disintegration of the Soviet Union and Ukraine's independence, in order to get rid of Russia's control over Ukraine, in order to be completely independent and embrace the West, the Ukrainian government has been trying to perfect and establish Ukraine's national independence history, and thereby establish Ukraine's national historical view.

The Ukrainian government and the bigwigs in the cultural and historical circles have put a lot of effort into this, but because of the huge ideological impact of the collapse of the Soviet Union, the 80 years of history under the leadership of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union seem to have become a dark and tragic past that is not worth mentioning, and the Ukrainian famine has become a huge scar that is brought to light.

The "Ukrainian Republic" under the leadership of the White Bandits, which was originally criticized by the Soviet Communist Party, has transformed into a recognized country in the history of Ukraine's national independence, and its leader has become a national hero.

Because Ukraine intends to separate everything brought about by the 80 years of the Soviet era, Ukraine's national historical view has become distorted and incomplete, and has almost completely developed in a right-wing reactionary direction. This means that there are not many heroes and righteous people in Ukraine's so-called national history, and therefore it has never been completely acceptable.

Haniyev understood Ukraine's distortions and struggles, so he wanted to take advantage of the fact that the Soviet Union still existed and the people of Ukraine and its republics were burgeoning in their thoughts to personally guide the establishment of a national historical perspective unique to Ukraine.

According to the direction personally formulated by Haniyev, the Ukrainian national historical view originated from the Eastern Slavs, developed in Kievan Rus, grew stronger in the Cossack culture in the early 17th century, flourished in the independence movement in the 19th century, and integrated into the class historical view in the 20th century.

In order to preserve the integrity of the 80 years of history under the leadership of the Soviet Union, to prevent the separation of the efforts and struggles of the ancestors and the cognition of the younger generations, and to give Ukraine a complete and clear national history, Haniyev is not prepared to let Ukraine take the old path of completely denying Soviet history, but to take the new path of "integration".

The Soviet Union's class historical view is based on class struggle and aims to liberate all mankind. Under this class historical view, our enemies are only exploiters and oppressors, regardless of nationality. The exploited and oppressed people must unite, regardless of nationality. It can be said that this is a very great, sacred and advanced historical view. Under the guidance of this historical view, the Soviet Union, Cuba, Khitan and many other socialist countries have indeed been selflessly helping other countries and nations for many years in order to achieve the great goal of liberating all mankind. This is a grand pattern that the national historical view is far from achieving.

However, with the development and changes of the times, ideals are ultimately no match for reality.

Soviet idealists were gradually replaced by privileged bureaucrats, and the Soviet class historical view was no longer popular. Instead, the relatively selfish national historical view had a greater market.

In the era of the US attacking and the Soviet Union defending, the ideas of capitalist culture have penetrated into every corner of the world. Giving priority to one's own interests is also an idea accepted and practiced by most people in the world. In such an environment, the national historical view must be closely linked with the national history. For this reason, even if it is nonsense, a national history that is independent of any country, nation or culture must be made up.

Ukraine's national historical view was slowly born under such conditions, but until Haniyev traveled through time, Ukraine had not truly formed a complete national historical view.

After listening to Haniyev's general direction and opinions on revising the history of the Ukrainian nation, Ivanov, Draco, Gonchar, Makar and others looked at each other in surprise, and then launched a heated discussion.

Since ancient times, the unity of thoughts and ideas has been the most difficult to achieve. It is difficult for people to break through their cognition and accept new ideas. Draco, Gonchar, Makar and other great scholars and intellectuals all have their own knowledge systems and understanding of national history. Although each of them does not have a complete national history context, they all have their own views on the direction proposed by Haniyev.

Seeing that everyone was struggling to reach a consensus and were arguing furiously, Haniyev hurriedly stopped the quarrel and said, "Truth cannot be revealed without debate. We should go back and look for more of Lenin's statements in support of Ukrainian national independence, and then work backwards based on his ideas. This way, we can find the connection between the history of national independence and the history of class struggle. As for how to evaluate the various periods in the history of our national independence, I think we can refrain from evaluation for now and just state the facts. Once we find the balance between the history of national independence and the history of class struggle and integrate modern and contemporary history, all the truth will emerge..."

At Haniyev's request, everyone had to put the dispute aside temporarily.

Afterwards, all the editors of the Ukrainian Textbook Editing Center, led by Haniyev, looked through historical materials in Yard 51 every day, especially focusing on finding materials from the early Soviet Union and the "Ukrainian Republic" period. According to Haniyev's requirements, they first looked for historical materials, sorted them out after finding all the historical materials, and finally discussed them.

"Use facts to find true history, establish the context of independence history based on true history, and determine the national historical perspective based on the context of independence history."

This sentence is Haniyev's requirement for improving and establishing the Ukrainian national historical perspective and revising the Ukrainian national cultural textbooks.

Although Haniyev is not the national leader or first secretary of Ukraine, he has long enjoyed prestige no less than that of the first secretary of Ukraine in front of the group of senior intellectuals and editorial officials involved in the revision of textbooks. This is due to his performance in the Chernobyl incident and his successful leadership of the team to Moscow in leading the revision of textbooks. In short, Haniyev has convinced and even admired the intellectuals he led through his repeated successes.

With such a mass base, naturally no one opposed the requirements put forward by Haniyev, and the revision of national cultural textbooks progressed rapidly.

Around June 27, a complete set of the origin, formation, and struggle for independence of the Ukrainian nation became clear. At the same time, the national culture unique to the Ukrainian nation, including clothing, language, dance, music, customs, etc., was also sorted out.

Chapter 186: Ukrainian National Historical Perspective (3)

Dozens of high-ranking Ukrainian intellectuals and officials from the Ministry of Education worked hard for more than ten days, looking through mountains of books and materials. They also photocopied the National Library's collection, and the Ukrainian national history data gradually took shape.

In order to complete the task before the end of the month as required by Haniyev, everyone worked on weekends for two consecutive weeks and finally collected and preliminarily sorted out various original materials from the early days of Kievan Rus to the establishment of the Soviet Union, as well as materials on the Soviet Union's ethnic policies towards Ukraine.

In order to demonstrate his exemplary leadership, Haniyev lived and ate in Courtyard 51 for the past two weeks and only went home once during this period.

On the morning of June 27, Haniyev got up early and came to the editorial office. He began to look through the materials compiled by the editors according to the context of the formation and development of the Ukrainian nation, and organized them himself.

With the joint efforts of Haniyev and great scholars such as Draco, Gonchar, and Makar, a history of the development of the Ukrainian nation of more than 100,000 words was completed in less than two days.

Because Ukraine has not yet gained independence and the history of Ukrainian national independence cannot be publicly publicized, Haniyev gave the soon-to-be-formed Ukrainian national history the skin of "History of Ukrainian National Development."

At the meeting on the evening of the 28th, Haniyev looked through his notes and said, "Comrades, after all our efforts and collective wisdom, the history of the development of the Ukrainian nation has basically been completed. This history covers the East Slavic culture in the early AD to the tribal alliance in the 5th century, the Principality of Kievan Rus in 882 AD, the Cossack Emirate in 1649 AD, the Ukrainian People's Republic and the Ukrainian Soviet Republic established around 1917 AD, and finally joining the Soviet Union. The national characteristics and cultural features of each period are introduced in detail, and the contents of 1258 books on Roman, Ukrainian and Soviet history are collected.

This history of national development is the first complete historical record of our Ukrainian nation. Through this book, we can know that our ancestors were Slavs and later East Slavs, and we also have Germanic blood. We are the oldest nation rooted in the middle and lower reaches of the Dnieper River. Our ancestors established the oldest country in Eastern Europe. In the 17th century, they formed a unique Cossack national culture and established the Cossack Hetmanate. Our Hetman regime culture inherited the orthodox feudal regime of Kievan Rus. Later, when Tsarist Russia continued to expand in the early 18th century, it annexed many surrounding countries. The Ukrainian Cossack Hetmanate was also incorporated into Tsarist Russia, and the free Cossack culture was also oppressed and exploited by Tsarist Russia.

It was not until the Great October Revolution that Tsarist Russia collapsed. Ukraine lost its shackles and chaos ensued. However, the great Ukrainian people quickly found two paths to independence in the chaos. The first was the Ukrainian People's Republic in the west, and the other was the Ukrainian Soviet Republic in the east. However, history has proved that although the Ukrainian People's Republic in the west also had an independent spirit, they protected the interests of feudal landlords and capitalists, and their system was backward and reactionary. The establishment of the Ukrainian People's Republic did not bring a dignified and happy life to the Ukrainian people. Only the Ukrainian Soviet Republic is a country that belongs to all Ukrainian people.

Comrade Lenin, the founder of the Soviet Union, the world's greatest proletarian dictator and supreme teacher of socialist practice, once said: "Oppressed nations have the right to self-determination, not only to determine their own political status, but also to manage their own affairs."

At the beginning of the establishment of the Ukrainian People's Republic, the great Lenin also stated: "We, the Council of People's Commissars, recognize the Ukrainian People's Republic and its right to completely secede from Russia or to conclude a treaty with the Russian Republic establishing federal relations or other similar mutual relations. We, the Council of People's Commissars, now unreservedly and unconditionally recognize all matters concerning the national rights and national independence of the Ukrainian people."

The great comrade Lenin saw the suffering of the Ukrainian people, supported Ukraine's independence, and established Ukraine's independent status.

Later, it was the incompetence of the Ukrainian People's Republic and Petliura that turned Ukraine into a fragmented warlord country. They also stood on the side of capitalists and feudal landlords to exploit and oppress the vast number of Ukrainian workers and peasants. The great comrade Lenin saw that Ukraine was stuck in the quagmire of civil war and could not escape, and that the suffering Ukrainian workers and peasants were still in shackles, so he dispatched the Red Army to help the Ukrainian Soviet Republic unify the entire Ukraine.

We must not forget history and be grateful to our great Soviet leader Comrade Lenin.

Comrade Lenin said: "The bourgeoisie, supporting the landlords and capitalists, is doing its utmost to divide the workers, to intensify national disputes and hatred, in order to weaken the workers' strength and consolidate the power of capital. Capital is an international force, and to defeat this force we need the international unity and international friendship of the workers.

We are opposed to national dissension, national hatred, and national isolation; we are internationalists, striving for the close unity of the workers and peasants of all nations, for their complete fusion into a single World Soviet Republic.

We advocate the establishment of a voluntary alliance of nations, which does not allow any violence from one nation to another, and is based on full trust, a common understanding of brotherhood and solidarity, and complete voluntary participation...