Servant of the People in Kyiv

It is difficult for a regime with a low cultural level to govern the country well. Burkina Faso currently lacks enough professional people who understand politics and governance to form a new government and implement new policies.

This is the consensus of many people, including Sankara and Haniyev.

Since the first two problems have been alleviated, Haniyev focused on the solution to the third problem in his reply.

Thanks to Sankara's five years of hard work, Burkina Faso's illiteracy rate has dropped rapidly, but there are still few high-level intellectuals, and after experiencing a great revolution, there are even fewer intellectuals who can participate in government work. At this time, if we want to keep Burkina Faso's red regime from degenerating and the new government can strictly follow Sankara's requirements, the best way is naturally to cultivate loyal revolutionary socialist cadres.

However, it is not easy to cultivate cadres who have the culture and ability to govern local areas or even the country. The training process is also very long and it is definitely not a goal that can be accomplished in three to five years.

However, Burkina Faso now needs enough talents to govern the country. It is not feasible to continue relying on the cadres of the Great Revolution. The cadres who founded the country may not be able to govern the country.

There were no local talents and it was too late to train them. Sankara could not think of any solution, so in his letter he focused on asking Haniyev for advice and proposed that Haniyev and Potanin go back.

Haniyev was a Soviet cadre and could not travel abroad at will, let alone have the opportunity to serve as an official in Burkina Faso again. Moreover, Ukraine would soon be independent. At this critical juncture, Haniyev did not dare to relax at all and it was impossible for him to leave Ukraine again.

After a little thought, Haniyev thought of an opportunity that was uniquely suitable for Burkina Faso now.

Thirteen days ago, on August 20, the Angolan Civil War, the arena chosen by the United States and the Soviet Union, ended.

On the same day, South Africa signed a ceasefire agreement with Angola and Cuba, after which Cuba began to withdraw its troops. There were 10,000 Cuban volunteers in Angola, including a coaching and guidance group and a translation group. There were nearly 1,000 Cuban officers with rich combat and management experience among the Cuban volunteers. These people were loyal to the revolution, loyal to socialism, and very close to the Soviet Union.

It can be said that after the armistice, more than 8 Cubans would be evacuated to Cuba with the help of the Soviet Union. Therefore, starting from the end of August, the first batch of thousands of wounded and sick people had returned home.

Haniyev felt that the officers in these Cuban volunteers were ready-made officials to help Burkina Faso establish a loyal revolutionary and socialist government.

They have management experience, even if it is only managing the army, but the situation in Burkina Faso is not complicated. As long as these Cuban officers are equipped with translators, they can fully help Sankara establish a military-style government. Even if it is a military government, in terms of purity, work style and ability, the new Burkina Faso government established with the help of Cuban officers is definitely better than the old government that is full of compradors, spies, traitors and corrupt officials.

Haniyev felt that the Soviet Union and Cuba had just participated in the wars in Afghanistan and Angola, which had cost huge sums and were not enough to cover their expenses. It would also be a considerable expense to send planes to withdraw troops now. It would be better to let the Cuban officers in Angola go directly to Burkina Faso to help the Burkina Faso Marxist Socialist Party establish a new socialist government.

Given Sankara's admiration and affection for Cuba, Haniyev felt that Sankara would agree to his proposal, and the Soviet Union and Cuba would most likely agree to it in order to save money. What's more, this matter could also export revolutionary culture, which Cuba and Castro would not refuse.

Haniyev happily wrote a reply and sent it directly to the Burkina Faso Embassy in Moscow.

After receiving the telegram, Ambassador Coulibaly hurriedly had it translated into French and sent to Ouagadougou.

Sankara, who was in a meeting at the Presidential Palace, learned that the Supreme Advisor Comrade Haniyev had replied, and hurriedly ordered a 30-minute recess, and then impatiently asked someone to bring the letter.

After reading Haniyev's reply, Sankara slapped his thigh and laughed. "Comrade Haniyev has the idea. The Angolan Civil War has just ended, and these Cuban volunteers are temporarily idle waiting to return home. If I can invite the Cuban officers to Burkina Faso for a year, wouldn't it be possible for them to help us establish the best framework, systems, rules and practices for our new government?"

Hastily ordering a new meeting, Sankara raised the letter in his hand and said to his ministers, "Our top advisor, Comrade Haniyev, has found a good solution for us. Please ask the comrades in the Ministry of Foreign Affairs to immediately contact Cuba and the Soviet Union and request that the Cuban military officers and translators in Angola be stationed in Burkina Faso and the Burkina Faso government to help our country carry out a thorough socialist transformation!"

Chapter 199 Haniyev's ditch must be clean

It was not until September 5 that Haniyev, who was far away in Kiev, learned from Potanin's phone call that his proposal had been approved by Sankara. Now both Cuba and the Soviet Union agreed to allow the Cuban Volunteer Army's officer corps to be stationed in Burkina Faso to help Burkina Faso carry out a thorough socialist transformation.

In the eyes of the world, the most powerful socialist country is the Soviet Union, but the most complete socialist country is Cuba. Although many aspects of the superiority of Cuba's socialist system come from the "blood transfusion" of the Soviet Union, many small socialist countries hope to become the second Cuba.

If we only look at data such as national living standards, education level, average life expectancy, and happiness index, Cuba is undoubtedly one of the top countries in the current era. However, with Gorbachev's decision to embrace peace and the withdrawal of troops from Afghanistan and Angola in 1989, the Soviet Union's aid and subsidies to Cuba have also come to an end. Cuba, the richest country in Latin America, will soon fall into unprecedented difficulties.

However, in the eyes of Sankara and Burkina Faso, Cuba is still a goal that they need to catch up with for a long time and may not be able to achieve, because allowing Cuban officers to come and help the country carry out a thorough socialist transformation is very beneficial to Burkina Faso's revolutionary cause.

If Sankara had arrived at a good time and caught up with the Soviet Union during the period of General I of Arms twenty years earlier, Burkina Faso would not only have received a package of aid, but the Cuban coaching team and Soviet experts would have also helped it quickly build a modern socialist country.

Unfortunately, the Soviet Union is now in a difficult situation and can hardly save itself, so Burkina Faso can only rely on itself.

On that day, Haniyev was in his office discussing with the secretary and president of Kyiv National University, Drak and others about establishing several associations in the university led by the college students of "Rukh". The ostensible purpose was to promote green environmental awareness in the school, but the deeper meaning was to set up some student organizations affiliated with Rukh in the university. On the one hand, in the future development and growth of the organization, Rukh would not be too obvious and appear to be the only one in power. On the other hand, these school student organizations could be used to do something when needed in the future, so as not to bring trouble to themselves and let the Soviet authorities think that it was Rukh who was causing trouble.

The secretary and president of Kyiv National University are both good friends of Haniyev. In addition to the success of "Rukh" in recent months, many members of the leadership teams of many universities, including the National University, have also joined Rukh. Of course, their purpose of joining is not necessarily to "promote environmental protection", but more to establish close relations with this organization headed by Haniyev, which is mainly composed of intellectuals, for their own future interests.

The influence of Ukrainian intellectuals has always been small, and there are few intellectuals with organizational, propaganda and leadership capabilities. In addition, the Soviet Communist Party has been suppressing non-governmental organizations and intellectuals who advocate national independence for many years. As a result, although Gorbachev's reforms relaxed the control of public opinion and allowed the emergence of non-governmental organizations, Stalin and Shcherbitsky's large-scale purge and high-pressure management of Ukraine made it difficult for this republic to flourish for a while.

Therefore, Haniyev's status and fame made him the supreme leader of Ukrainian nationalist intellectuals after he expressed his willingness to lead the "Rukh".

Although Haniyev knew that the Soviet Union would take bigger and bigger steps in the future, he was still an official within the system and a member of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union. In order to avoid being accused of being a traitor and becoming a villain in the future, Haniyev decided to let Rukh establish a non-staff organization of the nature of a student association in major universities with students as the main body.

These student organizations may be initially established by Ruh members, but their future development will be determined by them.

This ensures that Haniyev and "Rukh" can still maintain control and guidance over students at major universities. At the same time, when students launch movements in the future, the protagonist will not be "Rukh", and Haniyev can also be removed.

In this way, Haniyev will not have to bear any negative public opinion or related responsibilities.

Politicians can be tough and ruthless, but they must never be dirty.

Haniyev wants to be the father of the nation and the president of Ukraine. He wants to create a saint-like image in front of the Ukrainian people. Therefore, there can be no shit in the ditch, and things that damage his image cannot involve him.

The people's movement is the big card that Haniyev and Sherbitsky must use in the future. In order to avoid getting into trouble and being criticized for being disloyal to the party and engaging in conspiracy and struggle, Haniyev must make arrangements in advance and get himself out of the way.

Haniyev's months of efforts have not been in vain. Rukh has basically become Haniyev's boss, and the president and secretary of Kyiv National University naturally follow Haniyev's lead.

Therefore, under Haniyev's instructions, Kyiv National University took the lead in approving students to establish the "Kyiv University Youth Association" led by the Communist Youth League, and the Youth Association was quickly established under the active initiative of the passionate students.

After inspecting Kyiv National University on September 8, Haniyev asked the accompanying Education Committee staff, Secretary-General Rukh, Deputy Secretary-General and others to get out of the car and leave. He then took the president's hand and whispered, "How is my good friend Sergey doing at work lately?"

Ognye Orlovsky, the president and first secretary of Kyiv National University, smiled slightly. "Since Sergey became the head of the security department, he has been very conscientious and responsible in his work. Our leadership team is very satisfied. I would have wanted to report to you even if you hadn't asked me."

"It's not really a report. It's all thanks to your leadership. He's a lazy guy, but it's a good thing that he can work steadily under your leadership. Perhaps he will have the opportunity to make greater contributions to our education system in the future..."

Ogenye Orlovsky nodded slightly. "Of course. In view of his recent outstanding performance, our team has already conducted preliminary research and plans to promote him to Deputy Director of the Logistics Department, concurrently in charge of the Security Section."

Haniyev reached out and shook Orlovsky's hand tightly. "Don't make exceptions for Comrade Sergei's promotion because of our personal relationship. We must strictly follow our Party's guidelines for selecting and training cadres."

"Please rest assured, Deputy Director Haniyev..."

After exchanging polite greetings, Haniyev got into his car accompanied by Ognye Orlovsky and his party. Because today was a business trip, Haniyev's car was driven by the driver of the Education Commission, and his full-time secretary Eve also sat in the passenger seat.

After lowering the rear door window, Haniyev smiled and waved to everyone. A moment later, the car left Kyiv National University.

Chapter 200 Tymoshenko's Request

There is a tall building on the hill behind October Square in Kiev. Its style is similar to Soviet architecture during the Stalin era, but this building does not have a pointed roof.

The tallest building in Kiev is called "Moscow Hotel". It is the largest and best hotel in Kiev. Its status is equivalent to the Ministry of Foreign Affairs Guest House and Leningrad Hotel in Moscow. However, because Ukraine does not have diplomatic rights, the "Moscow Hotel" has only been used to receive high-ranking officials from the central government and various ministries in Kiev for meetings and meals for many years.

However, as private business has been opened in the past two years, companies from all walks of life in Ukraine have sprung up like mushrooms after rain, and the "Moscow Hotel" has recently begun to host business banquets for CEOs of various companies.

In today's Soviet Union, there is no such thing as prohibiting the use of public buses for personal purposes. After parking his car in the hotel parking lot, Haniyev walked into the Sko Hotel.

After taking the elevator to the Western restaurant on the third floor, Poroshenko, dressed in a suit and with his hair gelled, came to greet them at the door, along with a man in his fifties and a young couple.

Poroshenko, who is in his last year of graduation, has a lot of freedom at school thanks to Sergei's care. He has spent most of the past year running a "video store" outside the school.

Thanks to the help of Haniyev and Nikolay, the business of "Rosen Images" grew bigger and bigger. As the first image store, Poroshenko made a lot of money that year.

Later, they seized the opportunity to quickly open branches. Now, "Rosen Images" has opened many branches in Kyiv, Kyiv Oblast, Odessa, and Kharkiv. The monthly turnover from film rental and sales exceeds 40 rubles, and the profit after deducting costs is about 20 rubles.

You have to know that it was 1988, and 1 ruble was at least equivalent to 0.6 US dollars. 200,000 rubles was equivalent to more than 100,000 US dollars, which was a huge sum of money in any country.

Before he even graduated, Poroshenko had already become one of the first people to become rich after Gorbachev's reforms. His monthly income now exceeds what his grandparents and parents had accumulated over decades.

Being rich and having connections with high-ranking central government officials gave Poroshenko unprecedented confidence. Although he considered himself rich and noble, Poroshenko dressed very maturely at the age of 23. He wore a brand-name suit every day and a square Motorola mobile phone on his waist.

A few days ago, Poroshenko sent Haniyev this quarter's dividend, about 12 rubles, and told Haniyev that Gennady Tymoshenko, deputy director of the Dnipropetrovsk Municipal Government, came to visit him with his son and daughter-in-law, hoping to buy a batch of the latest Western films from Poroshenko.

Haniyev was very sensitive to the surname Tymoshenko. After learning more about it, he found out that Gennady Tymoshenko was indeed the father of Alexander Tymoshenko and Yulia Tymoshenko, a couple he had only met once. He was also the person who laid the foundation for the Tymoshenko family when the Soviet Union collapsed and Ukraine became independent.

Yulia Tymoshenko is Ukraine's future "Gas Princess" and the so-called "Iron Lady" in politics. Haniyev met Tymoshenko and her husband on a boat on his way to Yalta to take up his post. Later, he specially invited them to Yalta for vacation. However, Haniyev was studying at the Odessa Higher Party School at the time and was unable to meet them again.

However, Haniyev still did not forget them. After all, as a number one figure in history, Haniyev did not dare to underestimate Yulia Tymoshenko and always thought that he would need her in the future.

After Poroshenko's detailed introduction, Haniyev learned that Gennady Tymoshenko, deputy director of the Dnipropetrovsk Municipal Bureau, was a very capable person. The reforms he perceived had opened a new era. In the previous two years, he used his power to contract a cinema in Dnipropetrovsk and opened a film rental store.

It can be said that Gennady Tymoshenko started the film rental business no later than Poroshenko, and opened a store earlier than Poroshenko. It's just that Dnipropetrovsk is not as good as Kiev, and Gennady's power is not as strong as the bigwigs behind Poroshenko. Therefore, in the past two years, "Rosen Pictures" has become Ukraine's leading imaging company, while Gennady's business is still developing lukewarmly in Dnipropetrovsk.

As the reform progressed, the Soviet people's thoughts became more and more active, and the popularity of American films surpassed that of Soviet films. Gennady knew the power of "Rosen Pictures" and wanted to import a batch of Hollywood movies, so he came to Beijing specifically to ask for their approval.

Because it involved a business in which department-level officials abused their power for personal gain, Poroshenko, though young, was very cautious. He did not dare to make the decision at first. He just mentioned it when giving dividends to Haniyev, meaning that he would only agree to Gennady's request if Haniyev felt that there was no problem and that Gennady's coming was purely a business act without political purpose.

Haniyev only knew that Yulia Tymoshenko would rise to become an oligarch in the future by operating "natural gas", but all oligarchs in both Russia and Ukraine have government backgrounds. Yulia relied on the power of her husband's family to make huge profits by monopolizing other areas. I'm afraid this is just her first step in making money in business, and the natural gas company should be her subsequent business.

Haniyev felt that Gennady abused his power for personal gain. He contracted the cinema in Dnipropetrovsk in his personal name at a very low price, and relied on the relationship with the municipal bureau to rent out or even sell the films that originally belonged to the collective. This should be the first step in his family's rise. Yulia was able to grow step by step into the gas princess based on the foundation laid by her father-in-law.

After figuring out the whole story, Haniyev immediately agreed to let Poroshenko do business with Gennady Tymoshenko, and asked Poroshenko to tell Gennady that he was behind him.

That’s why we have this dinner today.

Gennady was very happy after the deal was done. He asked Poroshenko to invite Haniyev to dinner and called his son and daughter-in-law in advance. He planned to use the slight contact between his son and daughter-in-law and Haniyev as a starting point to establish a long-term revolutionary friendship with Haniyev.

After shaking hands with Gennady, Haniyev looked at Alexander and Yulia and said with a smile, "It's been two years since we last met. You two are still as charming as ever."

"You...you are too kind. You are becoming more and more extraordinary..."

Two years ago, Haniyev's administrative level was slightly higher than Gennady's. Now Haniyev is the deputy director of the Education Commission, a real deputy provincial-level cadre, two levels higher than Gennady's deputy bureau-level cadre. Therefore, Gennady was a little flattering and humble when facing Haniyev.

After not seeing each other for two years, Alexander and Yulia became reserved when shaking hands with Haniyev.

After a few pleasantries, Haniyev looked at Poroshenko and asked: "Where are we going to eat?"

Poroshenko glanced at Gennady, who quickly stepped aside to lead the way, saying, "It's just ahead. I'll lead the way."

After a while, the group sat down in a room. This was one of the few private rooms in the Moscow Hotel restaurant, usually prepared for VIPs. The cost of Gennady booking this room was equivalent to a big meal in other big hotels.

However, as a meticulous official who was one of the first to use his power to monopolize business and make a fortune during the reform, Gennady was not stingy in currying favor with Haniyev.

After sitting down, Gennady asked Alexander to tell the waiter to serve the food, while he took his daughter-in-law to talk to Haniyev.

Soon, various exquisite dishes that combined French and Mediterranean cuisine were served in a stream. Haniyev ate while chatting with everyone, inquiring about the strength of the Tymoshenko family and their plans for the next business.

Of course, Gennady was also carefully inquiring about Haniyev's situation, but most of his questions were answered by Haniyev with ulterior motives.

However, Haniyev also knew that Gennady's level was not high enough. Later, the Tymoshenko family became an oligarch, which proved that they were all a group of speculators who made a fortune from national disasters.

Therefore, Haniyev did not attach much importance to Gennady. Just exposing his relationship with some ministerial-level cadres in Kiev and Moscow was enough to convince the Tymoshenko family.

In fact, Haniyev's judgment was not wrong. After Haniyev's understated explanation, Gennady, Alexander and Yulia became more respectful.

After more than an hour of conversation over dinner, Haniyev also learned that Gennady's monopoly on cinema imaging business in Dnipropetrovsk was doing well, but the reason for purchasing a large number of new American movies this time was because of his daughter-in-law Yulia.

Yulia Tymoshenko worked in a machinery factory for four years. She had long seen that working in a machinery factory had no future under the wave of reform. Unwilling to work in a factory, Yulia wanted to manage and operate the family business herself.

Yulia's idea was exactly what Gennady wanted, so he immediately set up a video rental company and handed it over to his daughter-in-law Yulia to run personally.

In Gennady's own words, as the business grew, he had no time to take care of it and had long wanted to hand it over to his children. However, his son Alexander was not outstanding in terms of mental and physical abilities, and knew nothing about doing business. On the contrary, Yulia was decisive, smart and clever, and she would definitely do better if the family business was handed over to her.

After taking over the business and investigating the market, Yulia decided to expand the scale, which led to her going to Kiev to find Rosen Pictures to purchase films.

Dnipropetrovsk Oblast is adjacent to the Donbas region in the east and is also an important industrial and mining base in Ukraine. The economy here is relatively developed, and engineers and workers' families with good living conditions also pursue entertainment life. Therefore, investing in the imaging business is indeed a good business with great returns.

Chapter 201 Can you help my father get promoted?

From the first decision Yulia made after taking over the business, we can see that this woman does have a business acumen, especially in the Soviet Union, a country that has been solidified by rationing and planned economy for eighty years. Yulia, like Poroshenko, is indeed a very rare talent.

After Haniyev saw the shining points of Yulia besides her beauty, he looked at her with even more admiration.

Haniyev originally wanted to recruit Yulia into his team and let her work for him like Poroshenko. After all, as a person who has made great achievements in history, having her under his command would not only help him do things, but also risk causing trouble for him if he released her outside.

Therefore, Haniyev had made up his mind long ago that in order to ensure his future path as the leader of Ukraine was smooth, he would find ways to recruit the heroes and warlords who would rise after Ukraine's independence, and if they could not be recruited for his own use, he would suppress them.

Now that Gennady Tymoshenko has taken the initiative to approach him with her son and daughter-in-law, Haniyev is naturally ready to recruit the Tymoshenko family as his subordinates.

However, in order to make his subordinates obey his orders, the superior must not only show his mystery and power, but also know how to show kindness and gifts.

Haniyev cut a piece of steak into his mouth and chewed it gently, mumbling, "Yulia has a good eye. Peter, tell them about the business situation of our Rosen Image, and give Yulia and Gennady some confidence."

Poroshenko nodded and understood what Haniyev meant. He then presented a report to Haniyev and others on the business performance of "Rosen Imaging" this year, including the operating conditions and revenue and profits of more than a dozen stores.

Because Poroshenko saw that Haniyev wanted to recruit the Tymoshenko family as his subordinates, every time he mentioned an achievement, he would emphasize the difficulties and problems faced during development, and then say that it was Haniyev's help, and even mobilized many relationships in the General Office of the Central Committee and the Ministry of Internal Affairs to help "Rosen Image" overcome difficulties.

In Poroshenko's report, the development of "Rosen Image" was very rapid, and its income exceeded the Tymoshenko family's expectations. However, such achievements were all due to the help of Haniyev.

In Poroshenko's mouth, Haniyev became an omnipotent and well-connected big man. He also vaguely said that the big boss behind "Rosen Images" was actually Haniyev.

After Poroshenko finished speaking, Gennady and Yulia looked at each other and saw expressions of surprise on each other's faces. However, Alexander was still exclaiming in amazement.

Gennady glanced at Yulia, who smiled and poured a glass of wine for Haniyev. She said, "Our small business is just getting started, and with the success of Mr. Poroshenko's Rosen Image, I wonder if you could give us a hand, Deputy Director Haniyev, Mr. Poroshenko?"

Haniyev smiled but said nothing. Poroshenko asked, "How do you want me to help?"

Yulia smiled faintly, her two dark eyes sparkling like obsidian: "I think your Rosen Image might be able to cooperate with us.

The way is that we do business together. In fact, the so-called joint venture does not require you two to contribute money, it is just a name.

This way, we can obtain your most advanced film resources, benefit from your and Haniyev's help, and we can also distribute a portion of our operating profits in Dnipropetrovsk to you two as dividends."

Poroshenko looked at Haniyev's expression and saw that he hadn't changed. He said, "I can invest and help you, but Deputy Director Haniyev..."

"No need to lie and cover up."

Haniyev interrupted Poroshenko and said, "I have a stake in Peter's company. Without my help, he wouldn't have been able to establish and run the company to this day. But if you want us to invest in your business, you have to show sincerity."

Yulia smiled and said, "Of course. You two don't need to invest any money. All our stores can be replaced with 'Lawson Pictures' signs, including our cinemas. All we need is your brand and resources, and you can take 30% of the monthly profits. Is that okay with you two?"

Yulia said this while staring at Haniyev with her beautiful big eyes.