Servant of the People in Kyiv

Haniyev smiled softly: "We don't need to invest any extra money. This business is certainly possible. Gennady, can Yulia make the decision?"

Although Gennady felt a pang of pain, he also knew that his business would see a qualitative leap after Haniyev and Rosen Imaging were involved. He nodded quickly, "Of course, she's the boss now."

Haniyev leaned forward and immediately caught a whiff of Yulia's perfume. He narrowed his eyes and asked, "Are you really willing to give up 30% of the profits just to exchange for Rosen Image's resources?"

Yulia pursed her lips and nodded: "Yes, but it's not only for Rosen Imaging's resources, but more importantly for you."

Yulia's words were very ambiguous. Haniyev's heart skipped a beat as he heard her admiring look. He coughed lightly and said, "Since you Tymoshenkos are of the same opinion, let's raise our glasses together and toast to our cooperation!"

Haniyev raised his glass as he spoke.

No one refused to comply with the boss's words. Poroshenko, Yulia, Gennady and Alexander all raised their glasses and repeated Haniyev's words.

One glass of wine meant that the Tymoshenko family and their business had joined Haniyev's camp and became new members of Haniyev's forces.

The specific details of the cooperation and the signing of the contract will all be discussed after the cocktail party. Poroshenko and Yulia will go to discuss and sign the contract. As Haniyev is a big boss with a promising future and great connections in the eyes of everyone, it is naturally impossible for him to ask about these details.

Gennady and Yulia were very happy about accepting the Tymoshenko family, thinking that they had found a strong backer in Kiev.

You have to know that Gennady is already in his fifties but is still only a deputy-department-level cadre, but Haniyev is less than 30 years old and is already a deputy-ministerial-level cadre. Moreover, Haniyev is also the protagonist of the Chernobyl incident and the first secretary of Yalta in the general secretary’s call for “small cities across the country to learn from Yalta in reform”.

This shows that Haniyev not only has connections but also ability, and is a person that even the General Secretary of the Soviet Union values. Such a person will definitely enter the central government in the future. His family has relied on several generations of hard work to get a deputy department-level cadre. If Gennady can curry favor with Haniyev and become his confidant, he will definitely have the opportunity to advance to a full department-level cadre early, and even get a deputy ministerial position before retirement...

As a deputy-department-level cadre who has been working in the officialdom for decades, Gennady has his own set of political ideas. He has been operating in Dnipropetrovsk for decades and has already built a network of interests and relationships in the local area. According to his pace, he has the opportunity to take over the job of a district mayor or district party secretary in the next two years, which means he will be able to further obtain the treatment of a full-time department-level cadre.

But Gennady is already 57 years old. Even if he can make further progress and become a district mayor or district party secretary in the next two years, if he wants to advance to the deputy ministerial level, it will have to be decided by the Ukrainian Central Committee. He does not have many connections with the central government, and by then he will be old, and there is no hope of being promoted to the deputy ministerial level.

But the appearance of Haniyev broke Gennady's habitual thinking. Such a person is destined to rise all the way, and his rise will also drive the promotion and progress of those around him. So if Gennady becomes Haniyev's confidant, even if he only relies on Haniyev's political resources to get to know some ministerial-level cadres in Kiev, Gennady feels that it will not be a problem for him to be promoted to a deputy provincial level within three years.

After realizing that his political future had become brighter, Gennady began to hint cautiously, but Haniyev just pretended to be deaf and dumb and ignored him.

After a while, Gennady's face turned red with anxiety. After all, he had to save face, so he looked at his daughter-in-law and gave her a look.

Yulia sighed in her heart, moved closer to Haniyev, and poured him another glass of wine. This time, her body touched Haniyev's arm intentionally or unintentionally while pouring the wine.

The scent of perfume and the soft touch made Haniyev a little distracted for a moment, but he still put his hand away and said, "No need, Yulia. If you drink any more, I'll be drunk."

Yulia smiled and said, "It's okay if you drink too much. We will arrange for you to rest."

"No, I'm from Kiev, and I can't stay out at night."

Yulia whispered, "My father-in-law has been working diligently in Dnipropetrovsk, but he has never had any chance of promotion or advancement in all these years. You are a senior official in a central government ministry. Can you help our family and promote my father and transfer him to a higher position?"

Mr. Haniyev, don't worry, we are all grateful people and will not let you regret it..."

Haniyev smiled faintly when he heard this: "Isn't it just that you want to make progress? I know the Deputy Minister of the Political Department of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of Ukraine, so it's not impossible for him to help..."

Yulia and Gennady's faces lit up with joy.

"Then could you please help me say hello and make an appointment with the Minister?"

"Okay, but then only you, Gennady, can participate, and you can't talk too much."

"Don't worry, I will follow your arrangements in everything."

For politicians, being together is always about interests, so the relationship deepens quickly.

After the meal, Haniyev had become a benefactor of the Tymoshenko family. Even though he didn't know them very well, they spoke to each other without reservation.

On the way out, Haniyev and Yulia exchanged a kiss on the cheek. The smooth touch made Haniyev's lower abdomen slightly warm. He hurriedly patted Gennady on the shoulder and said, "Leave the business matters to Yulia and the others. Stay in Kiev for a few more days and wait for my news. I will notify you once I have an appointment with Deputy Minister Vesridov."

Chapter 202: Helping People Get Official Positions

Vesridov is the first deputy minister of the Central Political Department of Ukraine and has enormous power.

If he could find a connection with Wesley Doff, promoting a small deputy-department-level cadre would be a piece of cake.

After hearing Haniyev's assurance, Gennady was so excited that he could hardly control himself. With tears in his eyes, he hugged Haniyev and kept expressing his gratitude.

The Soviet system is very similar to that of Khitan, but there are many differences. Or it can be said that the Khitan system was derived from the Soviet Union, but gradually began to take into account its own national conditions. Especially after 1978, Khitan accelerated towards its own unique path.

According to the requirements of the Soviet cadre management regulations, the promotion and appointment of cadres in the Soviet Union was not entirely decided by the Organization Department, but was jointly decided by the superior Soviet Executive Committee and the Organization Department and Supervisory Department of the Political Department.

As it has evolved to the present day, the appointment of cadres below the provincial level can be decided with the consent of the provincial party committee and the Soviet, while the appointment of provincial-level cadres must be studied and decided by the National Soviet and the Political Department, but ultimately it still requires the approval of the First Secretary of Ukraine.

The Political Department is a relatively powerful department within the Soviet system. It has departments such as the Organization Department, Propaganda Department, Cadre Department, and Supervisory Committee. It can be said to be the highest department representing the Central Committee of the Ukrainian Party to study, review, and promote cadres.

As ministerial-level cadres, the first secretary of the Education Commission and the Minister of Political Affairs have a huge difference in power and status.

Logically speaking, Gennady is only a deputy-department-level cadre. If he wants to make further progress, he only needs to have the Dnipropetrovsk City Party Committee Soviet study and report it, and the Dnipropetrovsk State Party Committee and Soviet will approve it.

However, Gennady's connections were not enough to allow the city and provincial party committees to promote him easily, so he could only wait according to the party's political rules and wait for a district mayor or deputy district party secretary.

According to normal procedures, the provincial party committee and the Soviet will be replaced in 1990. At that time, based on seniority and his own operations, Gennady is confident that he will take over as a district chief.

However, this will take another two years, and there may be changes during this period.

Now that he can get close to Haniyev, a powerful deputy minister with connections, and can also get his help in introducing him to the First Deputy Minister of the Political Department, Vesridov, Gennady is naturally ecstatic and knows that his spring has arrived.

In the following days, Poroshenko took Yulia and her husband to inspect the store inventory of "Rosen Images" and discuss the details of the cooperation.

Haniyev went to work as usual every day, and did meet with Vesridov during that time, but in order to prevent Nikolai from thinking too much, Haniyev also informed Nikolai.

When Sherbitsky stepped down, he did not leave a backup plan. The heads of thirteen departments at that time, including the Minister of Political Affairs, the Minister of Internal Affairs, the Minister of Finance, the Minister of Industry, and the Minister of Agriculture, were all Sherbitsky's confidants.

When Gulenko first took office, he was almost a puppet of Shcherbitsky. Basically, he had to ask Shcherbitsky, who was far away in Yalta, for instructions on everything before he could make any arrangements.

Later, as time went on, and with Gorbachev's support, Gulenko gradually began to promote and reuse his own people. In the months after the end of last year's Party Congress, he found a reason to dismiss eight ministers and seven first secretaries of provincial party committees, and then replaced them with his own people.

This personnel appointment and dismissal process was allowed by Gorbachev, so there was no resistance within the Soviet Union, and the Ukrainian Republic finally allowed Gulenko to control a considerable amount of power.

It is precisely because of this that Gulenko no longer obeys Sherbitsky since this year, and even has the intention of replacing Sherbitsky with the vice-ministerial level.

However, Sherbitsky had indeed been in Ukraine for too long. He was Brezhnev's preferred successor and was extremely valued. He was also the representative of the Ukrainian gang within the Communist Party of the Soviet Union. Therefore, even if the eight ministers of most departments arranged by Sherbitsky before his retirement were removed, he still had some deputy ministers in these ministries who obeyed his orders.

It can be said that after Haniyev became the first executor of Sherbitsky's comeback plan, he had gradually taken over the inheritance and temporary leadership of Sherbitsky's faction from Nikolay in Villa No. 12.

Vesridov is Sherbitsky's confidant and now also Hanyev's partner and comrade-in-arms.

Haniyev made an appointment and Vesridov immediately agreed.

So on September 10, Haniyev took Gennady to Villa No. 12 early in the morning. Today was Saturday, and Nikolay brought his family to rest.

Haniyev is a little older than Nikolai, but he got married several years later than Nikolai. Now Nikolai already has a son who is one and a half years old, but Haniyev's son has not been born yet.

After greeting Nikolay and his wife, Haniyev introduced Gennady to him.

According to Nicholas's previous habit, he would not even bother to look at Gennady, a minor official at the deputy department level, but because it was Haniyev who introduced him, Nicholas shook hands with Gennady very kindly and gently.

After learning that the man in front of him, who looked as young as Haniyev, was Sherbitsky's grandson, Nikolay Sherbitsky, the first deputy director of the Office of the Central Committee of Ukraine, Gennady was completely stunned. He didn't know how to behave, and just smiled, shook hands and exchanged pleasantries instinctively.

When Gennady came to his senses, he was already sitting in the study of Villa No. 12.

He looked down at his watch and saw that it was already half an hour after he entered the villa.

Gennady was surprised and delighted when he saw Haniyev chatting and laughing with Nikolay not far away: there were rumors that Haniyev had been currying favor with Sherbitsky when he was the first secretary in Yalta, and that he was very skillful, not only being appreciated by Sherbitsky, but also being valued by Gorbachev. These two incompatible leaders did not deal with Haniyev because of his two-faced behavior, but instead allowed him to rise to a vice-ministerial position. It seemed that all the rumors were mostly true. Haniyev was Sherbitsky's confidant, and he had also been an official in Moscow. Perhaps he was also a young cadre valued by Gorbachev. This... doesn't this prove that Haniyev has a ticket directly to the central government in the future?

Thinking of this, when Gennady looked at Haniyev again, he felt that this young leader was so handsome, tall and majestic, and at the same time he was secretly delighted that he could rely on him.

About twenty minutes later, there was a knock on the study door.

"Come in," Nicholas said with a smile, "I guess it's Wesley Doff who has arrived."

The door was pushed open, and a capable old man with a particularly high hairline and deep eye sockets walked in.

Nikolay, Hanyev and Gennady stood up to greet them.

"Wesley Doff, long time no see."

"Hello, Deputy Minister Weisridoff!"

"Deputy Minister Weisridoff, it's an honor to meet you."

After shaking hands with the three men one by one, Weisridoff sat down and asked directly, "Victor, you said you needed my help with something. Tell me, what is it?"

Haniyev pointed at Gennady and said with a smile: "Gennady Tymoshenko, it's..."

Haniyev simply introduced Gennady to Vesridov, then changed the subject, talking about some interesting news in Kiev and Moscow and the recent developments in Rukh.

Gennady was completely confused as he listened to this. Because of the information asymmetry, he didn't quite understand what he heard but he didn't dare to ask. He could only sit there on pins and needles.

An hour later, the phone rang. Nicholas picked it up and said, "The meal is ready. Let's go to the restaurant and eat while we talk."

Logically speaking, Gennady was not qualified to enter Villa No. 12, let alone have dinner with Nikolay and Vesridov, but since Haniyev brought him here, although Nikolay couldn't understand what the use of a small deputy director of the Dnipropetrovsk Municipal Bureau was, he still gave him enough face.

After the meal, Haniyev said goodbye and left with Gennady.

On the way back, Haniyev drove his own bus and Gennady sat in the passenger seat.

Along the way, Gennady wanted to say something many times but stopped himself.

As the vehicle entered the city, red lights became more frequent. While waiting for the green light at an intersection, Haniyev asked, "Do you blame me for not telling Comrade Visridov about your promotion?"

Gennady shook his head hurriedly: "No, no, no... How could that be... Whatever you do is justified..."

"I'm letting Wesley Dorf meet you today, and I'm also letting him know that our relationship is more than just friendship. Then, in a couple of days, I'll contact him privately to discuss your promotion. Wesley Dorf will take it seriously, but you have to prepare some decent gifts in advance. You can't let Wesley Dorf help you for nothing, right?"

Gennady patted his chest. "I've never had any close contact with officials above the ministerial level before, so I don't understand your deeper meaning. What gift do you think I should prepare? Is money okay?"

Haniyev smiled slightly. "Vesridov is the First Deputy Minister of the Political Department, in charge of the Organization Department and the Supervisory Committee. Given his power and position, if he accepts money to do things, how much money do you think would satisfy him?"

"That……"

Gennady moved his lips, but could not speak.

Haniyev chuckled. "Gurenko has been keeping an eye on us for a long time. Vesridov wouldn't dare accept money. Giving him money would only harm him. So I think you should just prepare some local specialties and buy some good wine. You don't need to spend too much, just show your attitude. After all, whether he promotes you depends mainly on my face."

"You are right. I will do as you say."

After saying this, Gennady suddenly seemed to understand: He didn’t choose me, did he?

I have to give gifts to thank Veslidov, but how should I thank Haniyev, who has played the greatest role?

Chapter 203 Pinchuk

A few days after returning from Villa No. 12, Gennady, who was staying in the hotel, did not receive a call from Haniyev. Instead, Alexander and Yulia went out early and came back late every day, and gained a lot.

Yulia, who already had some ideas about how to run the family business, was greatly inspired after seeing the business of "Rosen Imaging" and realized that business could be done this way.

Li Yulia had told Gennady more than once these days: "We're getting a great deal by only giving up a portion of our profits to work with Rosen Imaging. As long as we share Rosen Imaging's resources and follow their development model, opening more branches in Dnipropetrovsk and even in Dnipropetrovsk Oblast, our revenue will soon double."

Yulia's vision makes the Tymoshenko family full of confidence in the future.

……

On September 16, Gennady, who was extremely anxious and restless, received a call from Poroshenko.

Poroshenko and Yulia have signed the contract today, and Poroshenko has also prepared two cars of the latest American discs for Yulia and others to take back.

In order to congratulate everyone on becoming a family, Poroshenko specially booked a table of high-end French cuisine at a French restaurant in the city center.

Poroshenko invited Yulia and her husband, Gennady, and Haniyev to attend.

Gennady felt a little relieved when he learned that he would be able to meet Haniyev at dinner tonight. While preparing dinner, he asked Haniyev how far his progress had come.

Soon it was 7:30 in the evening, and Gennady and his family of three arrived in the center of Kiev. They searched for a long time before they found the high-end French restaurant.

This restaurant is very popular, but the prices of the dishes are not very high, which is why it has maintained such high popularity even after being open for almost a year.

As he entered the restaurant, Gennady saw Poroshenko, who was wearing a suit and talking on the phone.

Poroshenko smiled apologetically when he saw the three people, then pointed to the table in front of him and motioned them to sit down first.

After a moment, Poroshenko hung up the phone and said, "I'm sorry, but we just got a batch of videotapes for the 60th Academy Awards in the United States this year, and all the stores here want a batch, so we're a little busy."

Yulia chuckled and said, "Aren't this year's Oscars in April? It's been less than half a year and you've already secured so many of these films. That's really impressive."

Poroshenko laughed. Although the relationship between the Soviet Union and the United States has eased a lot now, the Soviet Union still did not approve the large-scale entry of American film and television works into the country. This resulted in the films Poroshenko got were all pirated discs. The purchase price was not high and there was a shortage of supply in the Kiev market, which could make a lot of money for "Rosen Images".

Alexander asked, "Since you have the most famous films that won awards this year, why not sell us some?"

Poroshenko shook his head slightly. "I don't have many discs on hand. I don't even have enough to distribute to my own stores. How can I give them to you? You'll have to wait another month."

Alexander was about to say something, but Yulia quickly stopped him and nodded, "Okay, let's wait until next month. Anyway, we in Dnipropetrovsk are far behind Kyiv in terms of information. Those award-winning American blockbusters coming out next month will be fresh and trendy for us!"

As several people were talking, a waiter from the restaurant came over with a thin man with deep eyes, deep eye sockets and a hooked nose.

Gennady raised his eyebrows slightly when he saw the person coming, and stood up and held out his hand.

"Hello, Deputy Director Gennady Tymoshenko, I'm Viktor Pinchuk."

"I recognize you. I attended your wedding with Elshava three years ago. Your father-in-law, Almaish, and I are friends. I've heard you invested in a restaurant in Kiev, but I didn't expect it to be this one."

Viktor Pinchuk, his father-in-law is the deputy director of the Dnepropetrovsk State Health and Social Care Committee. In terms of administrative level, he is similar to Gennady. One is a deputy of a department under the State Soviet, and the other is a deputy of a department under the State Capital Soviet. According to the Soviet administrative level, officials of the State Capital and officials of the State Soviet are basically equal, because the State Capital only manages the State Capital, and the State Soviet only manages areas outside the capital.