Servant of the People in Kyiv

Years of exploitation have caused economic stagnation in many African countries, and the people are living in dire straits...

It was the emergence of Marxist Sankara who saved Upper Volta. He led the people of Upper Volta to establish a socialist country and changed the country's name to Burkina Faso, which means "the country of gentlemen."

Burkina Faso has developed very well in recent years. Famine has disappeared, children can be vaccinated and go to school, and the national economy is no longer controlled by France. This is bad news for the French and Burkina Faso's compradors such as large landowners and capitalists, but for the country's 900 million people, they are now truly treated as human beings.

Why have the capitalist countries led by the United States always been fighting with our socialist countries led by the Soviet Union? Is it just because of ideological differences?

I am afraid that the example of Burkina Faso proves that it is essentially a struggle between exploitation and anti-exploitation.

For many years, the Soviet Union exported aid abroad and relied on a rationing system internally. With the emergence of a domestic bureaucracy, internal exploitation emerged. However, in essence, the Soviet Union relied on the joint efforts of its 15 brothers for decades to seek development. The living standards and quality of life of the people in the 80s were achieved in the 50s.

With the development of the times, technology and productivity are improving, but the nature of exploitation in society has not changed. One is exploiting billions of people internationally, and the other relies only on the sacrifices and self-reliance of 300 million people in its own country. How could the Soviet Union compare with the capitalist countries led by the United States?

……

For decades, we have forgotten the importance of class struggle. After defeating the arrogant fascism, the Soviet Union became the most powerful country in the world and established the greatest regime in the world. Then it forgot its original intention. From Stalin to Khrushchev and even Brezhnev, for decades the Soviet Union was obsessed with competing with the United States for world hegemony and relying on force to export revolution abroad, but did not truly fight for the liberation of all mankind and the protection of the proletariat.

A few decades is neither long nor short. Looking back now, we can see that countries like the United States, Britain, and France have been united for many years, while socialist countries have been acting independently. Unknowingly, capitalism has once again grown to a point where the Soviet Union could hardly compete...

Comrades, let us not be blinded by appearances!

The more than 200 million people in the United States exploit 2 billion people in the world, and the more than 50 to 60 million people in the United Kingdom and France also exploit more than 1 billion people. Behind each of their citizens are dozens of foreigners who support them. Do the people of these countries become rich by relying on the so-called "advanced" political and economic systems?

If these countries lose the huge objects of exploitation, can they still maintain their current wealth and life?

We in the Soviet Union need reform, but how should we reform? How should we identify and solve problems that arise during the reform process? What should we do?

This is a big topic, and we cannot simply copy the American answer. We do not have billions of people to exploit. We do not have Japan, South Korea, or most of the American countries to exploit. Is it really a solution to the Soviet problem for the Soviet Union to learn from the United States?

I think every Soviet person should think deeply about this question..."

"Lenin has been gone for 64 years, and we have forgotten the essence of struggle!" - Hetman

The publication of this article initially shocked members of the Ukrainian People's Movement. As insiders, they knew that the "Hetman" was Comrade Haniyev, an executive committee member.

This article, which is full of personal opinions, was carefully crafted by Haniyev. Its purpose is to unify Ukrainian intellectuals under his own propositions and political ideas.

Haniyev believes that his perspective is something that most of the current Soviet people who are superstitious about the West and cling to tradition cannot see. Therefore, many of the questions raised in his article are the most novel issues of the contemporary era, and at the same time, they are also questions that have few correct answers. At least, the "Westernization reform" that was originally generally believed to be the correct answer cannot be answered.

Members of the Ukrainian People's Movement Committee and Rukh quickly adopted Haniyev's article as their guiding principle.

Most intellectuals and students who consider themselves rational instantly accepted the views in the article and naturally became Haniyev's brainless fans. Those who did not like the article could not find many rebuttal points and naturally did not dare to express their opposition.

Therefore, the millions of intellectuals, teachers, students, young cadres and other people affected by the entire Ukrainian people's movement were quickly influenced by Haniyev's article. They not only began to criticize Gorbachev's reforms and the West, but also promoted it in their own circles.

Chapter 210: Haniyev is willing to take risks

On December 1, 1988, the Supreme Soviet of the Soviet Union passed the revised new Constitution and Election Law, promoting the reform of the highest state power organ in accordance with Gorbachev's new requirements for political system reform.

The most obvious thing about this reform was the emergence of a system of people's congresses in the future Soviet Union's highest power department. This replaced the political system in which the party led everything, which had disappointed the people. It was a huge progress, but no one knew how effective its implementation would be in the future.

People in Moscow, Minsk, Almaty, Baku and other places have expressed their expectations and concerns about this political reform, and various discussions are rampant.

It can be said that economic reform has failed, and now the people of the Soviet Union are looking forward to political system reform to change everything and improve everyone's lives.

Unfortunately, the greater the hope, the greater the disappointment.

However, while people from all over the Soviet Union were eagerly discussing reforms, for Ukrainians, especially those in Kiev, the country's implementation of political system reforms did not seem important. What they were talking about was the topic that has become increasingly hot recently - criticizing Gorbachev's reforms.

The storm of public opinion criticizing reform that broke out in Kiev in early November has intensified with the instigation of some people with ulterior motives and has shown no signs of stopping until December.

Recently, the whole of Kyiv has been discussing the article in the People's Daily and the propaganda of "Rukh". With the spread of related ideas and people's discussions, criticizing Gorbachev's reforms has become a trend among Kyiv people. From ordinary people to central officials, no one is unaware of this public opinion storm.

It can be said that if the Sherbitsky faction had not fanned the flames and provided cover, this public opinion would not have developed at all.

However, public opinion continued to ferment over the next few dozen days, and even foreign media reported on this phenomenon, which naturally alarmed Soviet General Secretary Gorbachev and Ukrainian First Secretary Gulenko.

Gorbachev ordered Gulenko, the Ministry of Internal Affairs and the KGB to thoroughly investigate the counter-revolutionary groups in Kiev and to prevent them from criticizing the reforms before they were officially launched.

After being scolded by the General Secretary for more than 40 minutes, Gulenko angrily ordered the Ministry of Internal Affairs and the National Security Council of Ukraine to be dispatched to investigate the masterminds behind the criticism of the reform in Kiev, and demanded that once verified, all those who led and participated in opposing the reform and insulting the reform should be arrested regardless of their identity.

Things have come to this point. "Rukh" has come to the fore and has transformed from a disguised environmental protection organization into a political organization. It has made big moves by criticizing and opposing reforms. No one can protect the "Ukrainian People's Movement Committee".

After December came, Haniyev stayed at home peacefully every day because his wife Tatyana's due date was approaching.

After deciding to unify the ideology of the "Ukrainian People's Movement" and the Ukrainian people by launching a people's movement to criticize Gorbachev's reforms, Haniyev had already put his own political future and safety aside.

Extraordinary times call for extraordinary measures.

Now that Gulenko has been suppressing him, Haniyev has long wanted to break the deadlock.

He wanted to overthrow Gulenko and let Sherbitsky come out of retirement. He wanted to take control of Ukraine's highest power as soon as possible to change Ukraine's destiny. It would not work to continue to hold on.

It was necessary to take risky measures, so Haniyev planned to first seize the "Rukh" in his hands, and then develop and strengthen the "Rukh", using the huge people to launch a movement to overthrow Gulenko's ruling foundation, and let Sherbitsky's people attack from both inside and outside, which would definitely make Ukraine's political situation unstable.

By that time, the Ukrainian people's movement will continue, and Russia's Yeltsin and others will also be causing trouble. With many dramatic changes happening in Eastern Europe, Gorbachev will definitely question Gulenko's ability. At that time, it will be natural for Sherbitsky to come out.

At first, Haniyev wanted to hide behind the scenes, let Rukh develop slowly, and wait for the right time to launch the movement. Moreover, he wanted to launch the movement together with the ethnic conflicts and independence voices in Eastern Europe, the three Baltic countries and the three Caspian Sea countries. This way, the Ukrainian people's movement would not be too conspicuous, and he would not be implicated and investigated.

But plans cannot keep up with changes. Gorbachev's changing attitude towards Eastern Europe made Haniyev realize that time waits for no one.

In order to achieve his goal as soon as possible, Haniyev had no choice but to launch a people's movement in advance, and under the pretext of "criticizing reform", he was openly singing a different tune from the Central Committee of the CPSU, which was no less despicable than promoting national independence.

This large-scale movement was personally led and promoted by Haniyev, and it would not withstand any investigation that would trace it back to him. However, the Soviet Union would soon be in chaos, and Gorbachev would have no time to worry about the opposition forces in Ukraine. So Haniyev had made up his mind and asked Sherbitsky to protect him. At worst, he would be arrested by Gulenko or even punished and removed from all his positions, but he would also become famous because of this battle.

The Ukrainian people's movement cannot be stopped after it is launched this time. No matter what punishment Haniyev will receive this time, as long as he survives, he will be a hero in the eyes of Ukrainian intellectuals and many people.

At most, after a year, when the Soviet Union's political system reform is mature, Haniyev will be carried by millions of Ukrainian people to a high-ranking government official elected by the people. After Ukraine's independence, Haniyev will have the popular support to be elected president.

It was precisely because he understood this that Haniyev felt that the benefits outweighed the disadvantages, and therefore launched the people's movement of "criticizing reform."

Haniyev believed that if he launched a people's movement of "criticism of reform" at this time, he would gain huge prestige, which would be enough for him to live on for 30 years. Moreover, the sooner he launched the movement, the sooner he could unify the thoughts of the members of "Rukh" through the movement, and the sooner Sherbitsky would come out and take charge of Ukraine again.

Haniyev has never been a cautious person. In many events, such as his choice to go to Chernobyl from the Forestry Commission, his involvement of Reuters in the Chernobyl nuclear power plant accident, and the military coup in Burkina Faso, it has been shown that the more critical the moment, the more important the moment, the more Haniyev will unhesitatingly choose the option with the greatest benefits and the highest risks, and he is happy to do so.

This time was no exception. Even though Haniyev had already agreed with Sherbitsky on a perfect gradual plan for his return, during the implementation process, Haniyev still couldn't help but take the risk and launched a people's movement of "criticizing the Gorbachev-style revolution" that swept nearly 10 million people in Ukraine.

For this reason, Haniyev has prepared himself mentally for being thrown into jail, which is a good thing that will make a lot of money.

If he is arrested, he will only stay in prison for a few months at most, but it can gild his political life. How could Haniyev be afraid of such a huge benefit?

Chapter 211 The Greatest Common Divisor of the Ukrainian National Powers

As we were about to enter the disastrous year of 1989, the button of the Ukrainian people's movement had already been pressed hard by Haniyev. Even if he did not preside over the "Rukh", the Ukrainian people's movement would not stop.

If everything goes according to plan, Gulenko will be in trouble in a few months at most. By then, even if Sherbitsky cannot come out, he can find an excuse to restore his previous power and influence. It will be no problem for him to rescue him from prison.

By the time Haniyev is released from prison, he will have already secured the presidency of Ukraine.

Now the "Rukh" led by Haniyev is far more powerful than in history. The movement of "criticizing the Gorbachev-style revolution" launched by him has also accurately hit the key points of this failed reform, so it can spread quickly among the Ukrainian people.

As the Ukrainian people's movement continued to ferment and grow, Haniyev knew that there was no need for the Ukrainian People's Movement Committee to guide it, and the movement would produce a spectacular result.

Haniyev, who had already realized that he would have to lead a regular life in prison, stayed at home since December and just spent every day with his wife and family.

Tatyana's due date was approaching that day, and she felt a little uncomfortable in her stomach, so Haniyev hurriedly drove her and her mother to the hospital.

The result was a safe one, and the family returned home after being observed in the hospital for a few hours.

When I got home, I saw my sister Victoria sitting in the living room with seven or eight male and female classmates.

"Brother, sister-in-law didn't give birth?"

"We've been a little too cautious. The doctor said it's not early, so it should be around the due date. Did you bring your classmates over to play?"

"They are all friends from our university youth club. After reading your books, 'A History of the Development of the Ukrainian Nation' and '64 Years Since Lenin Left Us, We Have Forgotten the Essence of Struggle!', they all admire you and want to meet you. I couldn't resist their request, so I brought them here."

Victoria said, carefully pulling Haniyev's sleeve: "Brother, you won't be angry if I didn't tell you in advance, right?"

Victoria's classmates all stood up and looked at Haniyev nervously.

Knowing that my sister is still young at heart, I think letting her classmates know that the banner of the Ukrainian people's movement is in her home will make them admire and respect her.

Last month, Haniyev would have harshly criticized his sister, but now he no longer cared about letting more people know that he was Rukh's leader and the initiator of the great movement. So he smiled slightly and said, "You little girls are just greedy for fame and fortune. You have a brother who dissented from the Central Committee of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union, but you're still keeping a low profile in school. How can you be so proud of it?"

Victoria chuckled. "What's so great about the Central Committee of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union? They're just a bunch of incompetent old men. Big Brother, you're the one that the young people of Kiev admire the most right now. The students and professors at the Ukrainian National Academy of Arts all believe in your history of the development of the Ukrainian nation and firmly believe in your criticism of Gorbachev's reforms..."

Haniyev still adhered to his principles when it came to his sister's college education, and did not use his power to seek an opportunity for his sister to enter Kyiv National University without taking an entrance exam.

Therefore, Victoria failed to be admitted to the Kyiv National University, but she was more or less benefited from her family background, and still had more than three good universities for her to choose from. In the end, she chose the Department of Classical Art of the National Academy of Fine Arts and became an art student.

The Ukrainian National Academy of Arts is considered the highest art school in the Ukrainian Soviet Republic. It was founded in 1917 by Mikhail Sergeyevich Grushevsky, the founder of the Verkhovna Rada of Ukraine and the Ukrainian People's Republic, and an academician of the USSR Academy of Sciences. He was the first president of this art school.

Mikhail Sergeyevich Grushevsky's original position in Ukraine was not important, but as the contents of "History of the National Development of the Ukrainian People" edited by Haniyev continued to be published in "People's Daily", the "Ukrainian national history view" he summarized and established has been recognized by the majority of Ukrainian intellectuals, educators, students and young people. Countless Ukrainians regard Haniyev's "History of the National Development of the Ukrainian People" as the golden rule of Ukrainian national history.

Therefore, Mikhail Sergeyevich Grushevsky, who was described in detail by Haniyev in "History of the Development of the Ukrainian Nation" and whose status was elevated, has become increasingly well-known and admired in recent months.

In "History of the Development of the Ukrainian Nation", Kievan Rus, Cossack Hetman, Ukrainian People's Republic, Ukrainian Soviet Republic, and the Soviet Union are the inheritance lineage of the Ukrainian national independence regime. The founder of the Ukrainian People's Republic is Mikhail Sergeyevich Grushevsky.

Haniyev brought up Mikhail Sergeyevich Grushevsky not only because this great writer did not have the stain of treason like Petliura, but more importantly, Mikhail Sergeyevich Grushevsky was indeed the first president of the Ukrainian People's Republic, and later a Ukrainian scholar who served as an academician of the Soviet Academy of Sciences after Ukraine joined the Soviet Union. The existence of this bilateral identity gave Ukraine an opportunity to find Ukraine's greatest common divisor.

History has proven that Ukraine's national historical perspective has never been established after its independence, because it has been an independent country for too short a time in history. At the same time, it wants to cut ties with Russia, with which it is most deeply involved, and even directly denies the Soviet period. This schizophrenia has forced Ukraine to only bring up a Ukrainian regime that is aligned with the Nazis. This option of being politically correct domestically but wrong internationally has also turned Ukraine into a sick nation and country.

Haniyev learned from previous experiences and found a solution in "History of the Development of the Ukrainian People".

There is no problem with Kievan Rus. Although the Cossack Hetmanate is slightly controversial, it is barely acceptable as a national independent regime. However, the most difficult thing is the modern times. How to position the Ukrainian People's Republic and the Ukrainian Soviet Republic? The Soviet period has already made a final conclusion. The Ukrainian People's Republic is a pseudo-regime, the Petliuras are a gang, and only the Ukrainian Soviet Republic is orthodox.

It is precisely because of this that How the Steel Was Tempered, written by Ukrainian member of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union Nikolai Alexeevich Ostrovsky, became a famous work during the Soviet era and a masterpiece regarded as a classic by Ukrainians.

Pavel Korchagin has also become an idol and role model for generations of Ukrainians.

However, after Ukraine's independence, anti-Sovietism became the mainstream, and the complete denial of Soviet history became politically correct. As a result, Nikolai Alexeevich Ostrovsky became a villain, "How the Steel Was Tempered" became a banned book, and the protagonist Pavel Korchagin became a Ukrainian traitor.

It is actually not an easy task for any nation or country to establish a complete system of legal inheritance that includes national integration.

The Khitan people in the Far East have a long history of 5,000 years and have experienced brilliant civilizations and dynasties. Both the Han and Tang dynasties are sufficient to support the complete national system and legal inheritance of the Khitan people. What's more, the Khitan people have a cultural context that has been passed down for thousands of years. This dual cultivation of magic and martial arts is an excellent condition that 99% of the countries in the world do not have.

The great powers of Europe once found a way to combine Christianity and the successors of Rome. Generation after generation of heroes relied on this path to conquer the European continent and compete for hegemony.

After the collapse of the Soviet Union, Russia established a new framework based on the Tsarist period. After all, as a Russian, you can deny Stalin, but you cannot deny Peter the Great; you can deny the Soviet Union, but you cannot deny the great Slavs.

Ukraine does not have a glorious history or great ancestors, the so-called Kievan Rus and Cossack Hetmans are not strong enough, the nation was formed late, the national culture is not strong, and the independent regime is short-lived and weak. These many shortcomings are also the main reasons why Ukraine's national historical view is difficult to form and why national confidence and national cohesion are insufficient.

Even after the collapse of the Soviet Union, the Ukrainian people's identity with history was torn and divided. Young people and intellectuals worshipped the West, and anti-Sovietism became the mainstream. However, most middle-aged and elderly people did not approve of the collapse of the Soviet Union and admired the Soviet Union because their parents and themselves had devoted their entire lives to the Soviet cause and many people still had great ideals.

There is also a gap in the cultural, linguistic and industrial layout between eastern and western Ukraine due to historical reasons. All these divisions and rifts have made it difficult for Ukraine to form a national historical perspective.

What Haniyev has to do is to patch up Ukrainian history and find a root map of the orderly inheritance of the national regime that is acceptable to all parties, that is, to find the greatest common divisor that can be accepted by Ukrainians regardless of their identity or occupation.

Kievan Rus is definitely the base that all Ukrainians can recognize, but this base is too small. It is separated from the present by a thousand years. If only Kievan Rus is recognized, Ukraine will have a thousand years of gap in between. At that time, if it claims to be an independent country with an orderly inheritance, it will be like the Israelis who hold the Bible and demand the legitimate right to rule Palestine. They will become delusional.

Therefore, Haniyev must find more bases, more bases for the national regime that will be accepted by everyone, regardless of their culture and ideology.

There is no problem with Kievan Rus. The Cossack Hetman who inherited Kievan Rus has some flaws but they are barely acceptable.

In the mid-eighteenth century, the Cossack Hetmanate was annexed by Tsarist Russia, and it was not until more than a hundred years later, in the early twentieth century, that a new regime emerged in Ukraine.

Therefore, the status of the Verkhovna Rada of Ukraine and the Ukrainian People's Republic is of vital importance. They must be legitimate and reasonable national regimes that are in line with Kievan Rus and the Cossack Hetman.

However, the Soviet Union regarded the Ukrainian Soviet Republic as the righteous side and labeled the Ukrainian People's Republic as a bandit pseudo-regime.

This leaves a big problem for future generations.

In order to avoid a sense of rift, Haniyev must find a balanced inheritance between the Soviet Union and the Ukrainian People's Republic, even if it means forcing it himself.

So Haniyev saw Mikhail Sergeyevich Grushevsky, the founder of the Verkhovna Rada of Ukraine and the Ukrainian People's Republic.

Strictly speaking, Grushevsky was not a politician and did not have an army, but he was indeed the founder of the Ukrainian national regime at that time. Later, after the Ukrainian Soviet Republic unified Ukraine, he also joined the Soviet Union.

Therefore, Mikhail Sergeyevich Grushevsky is a balance point in the modern history of the Ukrainian nation. The Verkhovna Rada of Ukraine and the Ukrainian People's Republic during the period of Mikhail Sergeyevich Grushevsky can be built into the greatest common denominator recognized by all Ukrainians.

Recognizing Mikhail Sergeyevich Grushevsky means recognizing the Ukrainian People's Republic and the Ukrainian Soviet Republic. The tearing confrontation between the two regimes, where good and evil cannot coexist, has also become the difficult exploration and orderly inheritance of the national regime.

The Ukrainian People's Republic established by Mikhail Sergeyevich Hrushevsky was the first exploration of Ukraine's revolutionary martyrs to save the Ukrainian nation and enable the Ukrainian people to free themselves from exploitation and oppression and become prosperous, strong and independent.

The establishment of the Ukrainian Soviet Republic and the unification of Ukraine were the second exploration of the Ukrainian revolutionary predecessors, and the Ukrainian Soviet Republic joining the Soviet Union was the third exploration of the Ukrainian national revolutionary predecessors.

In Haniyev's "History of the Development of the Ukrainian Nation", he established the three explorations as the path to the great rejuvenation of the Ukrainian nation, and evaluated the three explorations as each one more difficult and greater than the previous one.

Therefore, in order to ensure the correctness of the modern Ukrainian national regime and its effective connection with the Soviet period, Haniyev paid special attention to Mikhail Sergeyevich Grushevsky, who had two provinces, in "History of the Development of the Ukrainian Nation", and even deliberately beautified this great writer, describing him as an explorer and pioneer of the future of the Ukrainian nation.

Haniyev's "Ukrainian national history view" was crucial in the slightly chaotic year of 1988. As soon as it appeared, it seized the "market" and became the truth recognized by most Ukrainian intellectuals and students.

So Mikhail Sergeyevich Grushevsky became a new object of worship among intellectuals and students.

The Ukrainian National Academy of Arts also gained fame because it was founded by Mikhail Sergeyevich Grushevsky. The students of the Academy of Arts were even more proud and actively promoted the "Ukrainian national historical perspective" and continuously elevated Mikhail Sergeyevich Grushevsky's status in Ukrainian national history.

With this background, among the college students in Kiev, the students of the National Academy of Arts who have benefited greatly from the establishment of the "Ukrainian national historical perspective" are definitely the ones who have the most affection for Haniyev and admire him the most.

Chapter 212 Haniyev is arrested

His younger sister Victoria brought her classmates home. Whether for his sister's sake or for the purpose of cultivating Rukh's successor, Haniyev was ready to have a good talk with these young people who admired him.