Servant of the People in Kyiv

After sending his wife back to the room to rest, Haniyev chatted with these young art students for more than an hour, during which they mostly asked questions and Haniyev answered them.

These children are all young people in their teens and 18s. Children of this age are easily influenced and corrupted by various ideas.

Most of them were from families of second-generation Ukrainian officials and had lived a relatively affluent life since childhood. However, precisely because of their wealthy families, they had access to information that children from ordinary Soviet families could not.

This has led to many children from official families having fantasies and expectations about the United States because they have only a superficial understanding of the country.

It is difficult for people to be satisfied. In recent years, the people who are most pro-Western and hope that the Soviet Union will be fully westernized or that Ukraine will be fully westernized after its independence are the children of intellectuals and officials. They think that the West is better than the Soviet Union not because the Soviet Union has let them down, but precisely because they have gained too much from the Soviet Union from generation to generation.

After Haniyev's ideas took over half of the historical and academic circles in Ukraine, with the promotion of professors and students from major universities, the ideas of young students in Kiev gradually changed.

Many professors, students and young people have accepted Haniyev's view of Ukrainian national history, and have gained a more rational perspective on Gorbachev's reforms and comprehensive Westernization reforms.

After studying Haniyev's thoughts and articles, Victoria's classmates had many doubts about Ukrainian national history and Soviet reforms, and also had a lot of thoughts about the future of Ukraine and the Soviet Union. They gradually developed multi-perspective thinking and became much more rational than before.

Haniyev has high hopes for these young people, because after the disintegration of the Soviet Union and Ukraine's independence in a few years, these college students will graduate and enter the society. If they are the contemporary Ukrainian youth who inherit Haniyev's ideas, it will be of great benefit to Haniyev's reforms to Ukraine.

After the exchange, Victoria's classmates felt enlightened. They were led by the leading cadres of the Student Union and the Youth Union. This trip not only satisfied their idol-chasing wishes, but also clarified the direction of their future struggle and greatly enhanced their loyalty to the Ukrainian people's movement.

Before leaving, everyone stood up and bowed to Haniyev to express their gratitude.

Haniyev encouraged them gently, and then personally escorted them to the door.

The next morning, Haniyev received an unfamiliar call. Nikolai's voice came from the other end of the line: "Victor, Gulenko has been very angry lately. He has issued a strict order to investigate Rukh and all those involved in this campaign to discredit the reforms. This morning, over thirty students who organized propaganda criticizing the reforms and teachers who openly promoted your views in school were arrested by the Ministry of Internal Affairs. Now, the Ministry of Internal Affairs and the KGB have shut down the offices of the People's Daily..."

Gulenko demoted Novikov to deputy minister last night, citing his poor handling of the emergency. He asked me to tell you that he can't save you now, and the newly promoted minister may come back to arrest you this afternoon!

Before Haniyev could digest Nikolai's words, he took a quick breath and continued, "Gorbachev is very dissatisfied with Gulenko now. Gulenko no longer cares about the impact and is preparing to send a large number of police to arrest those who participate in criticizing and opposing reforms. He will also classify the 'Ukrainian People's Movement' and the People's Movement Committee as reactionary organizations that are anti-party and anti-Soviet and will deal with them severely. It's a collective effort that we have been able to drag things out until now, but it also makes Gulenko very dissatisfied and suspicious of us. Haniyev, what are you going to do?"

If you are arrested and we are dismissed one by one, how will my grandfather make a comeback? "

Nikolay's voice was hurried and nervous. Haniyev knew that he must have called him from a public phone or some other secret phone. After all, Gulenko was not a fool. Now that he and others had cooperated internally and externally to make the matter and public opinion so big, Gulenko had long been alert. He must also know that many people in the Ukrainian central government were cooperating with Rukh to discredit the reform. Although he probably couldn't guess what the purpose was, it was definitely not a good thing.

Gulenko has finally taken action now, preparing to use thundering means to dismiss the disobedient Minister of Internal Affairs, and then use Ukraine's violent organs to suppress and arrest members of "Rukh". If there are no accidents, this method will be effective.

But Gulenko's opponent was Haniyev. Haniyev had been planning this action for a long time and seized the opportunity. He was not afraid of any follow-up moves from Gulenko at all.

"Don't be nervous, man. Everything is within my expectations."

Haniyev's calm voice seemed to calm Nikolay's impatient mood. There was silence for a moment on the other end of the microphone before the voice came back.

"My grandfather is worried too."

Haniyev said in a deep voice: "The situation has changed recently. I didn't dare to call the Friendship Sanatorium for fear of involving the old man. Tell him that everything is under my control.

Now that the political system reform has just started, I have already asked Reuters to pay attention to me and "Ruh". I am not afraid of being arrested. No matter how cruel Gulenko is, he dare not kill anyone. As long as I am not dead, Gulenko will not escape the fate of being overthrown.

Now I hope that Gulenko will arrest and suppress Rukh members, the people's movement and the student movement on a large scale. It would be even more beautiful if a few more bloody incidents occurred.

"At that time, all we need to do is have Reuters vigorously report on the Soviet Communist Party's arrests and repressions in Kiev, branding Gulenko with all sorts of infamy: 'The Soviet Communist Party violated human rights and restricted freedom of speech,' 'The so-called reforms are a scam,' and so on. Do you think, with Gorbachev's fawning attitude towards the West, will he support Gulenko in continuing to arrest people and suppress the movement? Or will he get rid of Gulenko to absolve himself of responsibility and use him and others to calm public anger, eliminate public grievances, and appease the people's and student movements in Ukraine?"

Historically, Gorbachev overthrew Sherbitsky by relying on the Chernobyl incident. He put all the blame on Sherbitsky and then used the punishment of Sherbitsky to quell public grievances. In this way, he completely overwhelmed Sherbitsky and the Ukrainian gang, and finally removed Sherbitsky from all his posts in 1989.

Both Haniyev and Sherbitsky were aware of Gorbachev's tactics. Haniyev, who had long understood Gorbachev's character, was not afraid and was even prepared to take advantage of this trait. He knew that as long as the people's movements in Ukraine continued to emerge and the foreign media kept reporting on it, Gorbachev's reforms would become an international joke.

For the sake of his own face and prestige, and for the Soviet Union's reforms to continue without losing popular support and gain recognition and even support from the Western world, Gorbachev would never support Gulenko. He would definitely learn from Cao Cao and use the punishment of Gulenko to clear himself and gain satisfaction both at home and abroad.

In order to bring down Gulenko in one fell swoop, Haniyev was actually the least afraid of making things bigger. He hoped that the matter would be as big as possible, Gulenko's methods would be as violent as possible, and it would be the best if he himself was caught. In this way, when the situation changed a few months later, Gulenko would be disgraced, and he would become famous again.

Haniyev is indeed a bad guy who is born to fight. He had calculated everything long ago and forced Gulenko to take action, even violently. The more ruthless he is now, the less chance he will have to turn back in the future, and the greater the possibility of being overthrown.

Now that the matter was done, all he had to do was wait patiently. Haniyev finally told Nikolay about his plan.

Nicholas was silent for a moment, then said in a muffled voice, "You're amazing, Viktor Vladimirevich! I'm impressed!"

Haniyev laughed heartily. "Tell everyone that this is the moment of the decisive battle. No one should be afraid. The bigger Gulenko's moves, the better. All of you should stop blocking us and protecting us. Instead, add fuel to the fire and let Gulenko steal the show!"

Nikolay also understood what Haniyev meant at this time. His evil laugh came out from the microphone, sounding a little ferocious: "Hahaha... I get it...

We will all help Gulenko become a watchdog of the Gorbachev reforms and let him climb high..."

"And then he fell hard!"

Haniyev said with a chuckle, and the two of them laughed out loud on the phone.

After hanging up the phone, Haniyev did not tell anyone about the content of his conversation with Nikolay. He was worried that his family, especially his pregnant wife who was about to give birth, would be frightened. If it affected his hungry son, it would be a waste of time.

However, things are unpredictable, and not everything can change as Haniyev expected.

Just today, when the Haniyev family was having lunch, a team of Ministry of Internal Affairs police knocked on the door of Haniyev's house. The leading officer took out an arrest warrant and took Haniyev away directly. The matter was so sudden that Haniyev did not have time to say a few words to his family.

In order not to scare his wife, he could only turn his head and look at the pale Tatiana as he left the house and yell, "Don't worry, I'll be back to see you and your son in two days..."

After Haniyev was taken away by the Ministry of Internal Affairs, Tatyana suddenly screamed before returning to the dining table: "Ah... My water broke... Mom... I'm going to give birth..."

Because his daughter-in-law is about to give birth, Vladimir has not been going to work at the Agricultural Committee recently and is ready to be on standby at home at any time.

At this time, Haniyev was arrested by the Ministry of Internal Affairs. Natalia and Vladimir were at home. Seeing that their daughter-in-law was frightened and about to give birth prematurely, Natalia's face turned pale with fear and she said incoherently: "Hurry... hurry to the hospital..."

Vladimir frowned and said in a deep voice, "Don't panic. I'll drive the car. You take Tatiana out slowly. We'll go to the hospital right away..."

Oh, don’t forget to bring money...”

Chapter 213: The Long March of "Ruhe"

There are more than a dozen labor camps and prisons in Kyiv, most of which belong to the Ministry of Internal Affairs and a few to the Ministry of Justice.

After Gulenko issued the order to arrest "Rukh", the labor camps and prisons in Kiev became extremely lively.

In less than two days, four or five hundred "Rukh" members and thousands of teachers and students from universities and high schools in Kyiv who participated in the propaganda campaign were arrested. Together with the original prisoners in various prisons and detention centers, almost all the cells in the detention centers are now overcrowded and operating at overload.

Because of Haniyev's special status, it was impossible for him to be sent to an ordinary prison. The prisons of the Ministry of Internal Affairs and the Ministry of Justice were filled with ordinary cadres and members of the People's Daily and Rukh, as well as backbones of the Youth League. Haniyev and more than 30 members of the Ukrainian People's Movement Committee were imprisoned in the KGB (Soviet State Security Committee) secret prison in Kiev.

Perhaps it was because Haniyev, Drak, Ivanov, Gonchar, Makar and others had extraordinary status and reputation, or perhaps it was because Sherbitsky was secretly protecting them. In short, the KGB secret prison that people were afraid of was not scary for Haniyev and others.

Haniyev, Makar and several other committee members lived in the same room. The conditions there were not good, but Haniyev and others were guaranteed three meals a day. They bought black bread and sauerkraut. Although the food was not tasty, they could at least have their fill and did not suffer any criminal bullying.

After launching the people's movement to "criticize Gorbachev's reforms", Haniyev had exchanged views with Makar and others. The members of the Ukrainian People's Movement Committee and the core backbones of the people's movement all believed that they were the most far-sighted and sober people in the Soviet Union. Their actions and appeals were to save this country and people who had gone astray and were still in a state of debauchery. Therefore, they had long since put their lives and safety aside and were ready to use their personal sacrifices and dedication in exchange for the awakening of more people, just like the many intellectuals in Ukraine who were labeled counter-revolutionaries and imprisoned.

At this moment, no matter whether these people are afraid or not, they cannot turn back. If they persist, they are doing a sacred cause and will surely be remembered in history as great figures who have left their mark in academia, culture and the history of the Ukrainian nation. However, if they retreat or betray the Ukrainian people's movement, their lives will be ruined and they will be despised by their friends, colleagues, relatives and friends.

Therefore, almost all the members of the Ukrainian People's Movement Committee and the backbone members of the people's movement, with the spirit of sacrificing their lives for justice, frantically promoted "criticism of Gorbachev's reforms" and "Ukrainian national historical view" and other contents that are completely counter-revolutionary in the current era.

The great movement launched by Rukh did have a significant impact on the thinking of Ukrainians, and also made Haniyev's ideas begin to take root in the hearts of the people.

After staying in the secret prison for two days, Haniyev was not afraid at all. He was only worried about whether his wife Tatyana was about to give birth and whether his son would be born smoothly and healthily. He felt guilty for not being able to accompany his wife during childbirth.

Haniyev's emotions infected everyone in the same prison area. They would have a brief exchange of ideas when they were out for exercise. Gradually, the members of the Ukrainian People's Movement Committee and the young backbones of the people's movement who were imprisoned in the secret prison all had a clear idea, that is, at most they would be sentenced and imprisoned by Gulenko like their predecessors, but Ukrainians would be awakened because of everyone's efforts, and the next generation of Ukraine would inherit everyone's consciousness. Ukraine and the Soviet Union would surely return to the right path because of everyone's efforts.

Although Haniyev was still anxious and worried about his wife and children, he was actually very happy after seeing the mental outlook of the core members of his organization in the same prison.

Haniyev knew that it was probably Sherbitsky's idea that put everyone together, so that he could unify everyone's thoughts. According to his own expectations, this big movement of "criticizing Gorbachev's reforms" was to let the "Ukrainian People's Movement" jump out and compete with the CPSU, so as to make the organization he founded hit a wall and withstand pressure, so as to eliminate the dross and retain the essence, unify the organizational thinking, and make the Ukrainian People's Committee completely bound to himself, so that it could burst out with stronger cohesion and combat effectiveness in the future.

When Haniyev goes to bed at night, he always thinks about recent events and the problems he will face in the future. He is a little scared but not too scared. After all, Sherbitsky is still alive. With him around, he will definitely not suffer in prison. Even if this operation is not ideal, he will be able to get out of prison smoothly in the future.

Haniyev is still full of hope for the future, because he clearly realizes that after experiencing this blow, the "Ukrainian People's Movement" will be able to evolve from a mob into a real political organization.

The Khitan Red Army was reborn from the ashes after the Long March. There were 20 people when the Long March started, and only about 5.8 people remained when they finally arrived in northern Shaanxi to meet up. The Red Army soldiers who remained were all the most loyal to the revolution and the elite who could be entrusted with important tasks. Any organization or individual who wants to grow and be able to take on great responsibilities must go through hardships and crises. Only those who can survive are the elite.

Gulenko's arrest of "Rukh" was a "Long March" for the Ukrainian people's movement.

As long as we get through this, no matter how many members and backbones there are in the Ukrainian people's movement, and how many people are still struggling inside and outside the prison, those who still persist at that time will be the best of the best, comparable to the Soviet Communist Party members decades ago.

By then, Haniyev's goal of "ideological unity" will be achieved through Gulenko's hands, and with the help of this organization, Haniyev will also be confident that he can change the destiny of Ukraine.

On the fourth day of Haniyev's imprisonment, KGB officials began to interrogate Haniyev and others.

Haniyev and his team played their cards straight in this campaign. They were not afraid of interrogation and did not need to lie. Everyone confessed to what they had done. At the same time, they firmly told the KGB agents:

"The facts have proven that Gorbachev's reforms have failed. Continuing to push for wholesale Westernization will only destroy the Soviet Union. We love the Soviet Union and we fear its demise. That's why we stand up and tell the world the truth, regardless of our personal safety. We only hope that Gorbachev and Gulenko can view the reforms objectively, so that the Soviet Union and its people can have a better future..."

Everyone's words were different, but the general meaning was the same. Their righteousness and truthfulness left the KGB dumbfounded for a moment. They didn't know how to treat these people or how to convict them, so they could only report it up the chain of command, hoping that the top leadership would make a statement and deal with it.

Chapter 214 Son Paul

The process of reporting the interrogation situation and waiting for the handling opinion takes two or three days. Therefore, after the KGB finished interrogating Haniyev and others, peace returned to the secret prison again.

On the fifth day of Haniyev's imprisonment, which was also December 10, 1988, perhaps it was Sherbitsky who took action, or perhaps it was Nikolay or Novikov who helped, in any case, on the evening of the 10th, KGB agents took Haniyev to the reception room to meet his father Vladimir.

The staff had obviously received instructions from the bigwigs above, and after leading Haniyev into the reception room, he left.

The small room was empty, with only two stools in front of a table, one for Haniyev and one for Vladimir.

"Dad, why are you here? How is Tatiana?"

Haniyev held his father's hand and asked anxiously.

Vladimir's temples seemed to have a lot more white hair after not seeing him for a few days. He said in a deep voice, "Tatiana's water broke after you were arrested. Your mother and I took him to the hospital immediately. Your son was born at 11:30 that night. He weighed 3.4 kilograms, was very strong and handsome. Tatiana is fine and is now at home taking care of him."

Haniyev laughed and said, "Okay, I'm relieved that they are fine."

Vladimir looked at his son carefully. Seeing that he was in good spirits and had no external injuries, he breathed a sigh of relief. "No one hit you or made things difficult for you, did they?"

"No, you've forgotten that I'm a deputy ministerial official and a well-known figure in the Soviet Union. I've got Sherbitsky and a bunch of ministerial officials backing me up. Who dares to touch me?"

Haniyev chuckled and said, "Don't worry about me anymore. I eat and sleep well in prison. Next time, just bring me some newspapers and books..."

Vladimir rubbed his hands together and said, "Alright, you're really brave. If Vishevsky hadn't come back to tell me what you did, I wouldn't have known that you were quietly doing something that would change the world. Now that things have come to this, I have nothing more to say. You must remember that you have a wife, children, and family!"

Haniyev nodded. "Vishevsky came back specifically for this. It must have been Sherbitsky's idea. It was Sherbitsky who arranged for you to come."

Taking advantage of the night, they quietly came to the secret prison. Vladimir, who had been cautious for half his life, seemed very brave. He looked around with sharp eyes and said, "Son, is there anything I can do for you?

Before I came here, Vyshevsky went to see Anato, and he said that Anato had contacted Reuters, AFP, and AP, and that reports on the persecution of intellectuals and some ministerial and department-level officials in Kiev had begun. He said that things were going well and that you would be satisfied..."

Haniyev's arrest seemed to indicate that Gulenko was unstoppable and that the "Rukh" faction could be sentenced and exiled by him at any time. But in fact, for Haniyev, Sherbitsky and others, the real difficulty and danger was actually Gulenko.

Now Haniyev and the core elite of "Rukh" have been captured by Gulenko and detained for interrogation. He will soon be able to charge Haniyev and others with the serious crime of "counter-revolution" and either sentence them to twenty years in prison or exile them to the Far East for labor reform.

But many things in the world cannot be viewed according to common sense.

Now is a sensitive time for the Soviet Union to promote political reforms. Gorbachev had just talked about disarmament and ending the Cold War, and it was the time when he needed praise and support from the West. Gorbachev could not tolerate internal unrest and major mass incidents in the Soviet Union because of the reforms, not to mention that this incident was reported by foreign countries.

Family disgrace should not be made public, especially when the target of this scandal is a young cadre and advanced model who has made many achievements in Soviet politics.

The backbone of Gorbachev's reform supporters were intellectuals, and the protagonists of this "Kiev Incident" were also intellectuals and college students. However, the reports had a very bad impact on Gorbachev personally and the reforms he implemented.

As long as foreign media reports continued, public opinion continued to ferment, and students and intellectuals in Kiev continued to launch large and small movements, Gorbachev and Gulenko would never dare to try Haniyev and his gang.

Because after trying Haniyev and his gang, Gorbachev self-denied the reforms he had implemented. The so-called freedom of speech, the so-called respect for intellectuals, and the so-called advanced civilization and respect for human rights are all lies.

Western forces can also find reasons to endlessly criticize Gorbachev and the Soviet Union's so-called reforms.

What Haniyev and his gang said during the KGB interrogation is consistent with the content of their People's Daily and their recent propaganda. There is no foreign force manipulating them, and they are not historical counter-revolutionaries. They simply analyzed and denied the reform sincerely, and their reasons are very sufficient.

The reports of the Western media were also very detailed, which made people regard Haniyev and others as the most conscientious cadres and intellectuals in the Soviet Union. Now, no matter what the reason, as long as the Gorbachev government dealt with Haniyev and others, they would offend many domestic forces and factions and bring shame to the reform.

Therefore, even though Gulenko and Gorbachev were in power and could decide the fate of Haniyev and others, they were afraid to act rashly at this moment, and Haniyev and others were already in an invincible position.

The true reports from Reuters and other Western media contacted by Anato were combined with the people's movements inside and outside Kiev by Rukh and the Youth Society. The more Haniyev and others were arrested, the more difficult the situation became. As long as it fermented for a few days, Gulenko and Gorbachev would definitely be on pins and needles and restless.

After analyzing the situation with his father, Vladimir felt relieved and relaxed. He said, "I'll talk to your mother and Tatiana when I get home. They can sleep well too. Son, your wife asked me to ask you, have you chosen a name for the little one?"

Haniyev and Tatiana had discussed their son's name many times and had prepared more than ten names. In the end, Haniyev was arrested before he could decide on a name. Now that the son has been born, he still has no real name. Vladimir, Tatiana and others are temporarily calling the little guy by Haniyev's nickname "Viga".

Haniyev pursed his lips and said, "I've thought it through. When my son was born, I was in prison for fighting for the country and the nation. My son should regard the revolutionary martyr Pavel Korchagin as his idol, inherit Pavel's revolutionary spirit, inherit my revolutionary spirit, and work hard for the future of Ukrainians and the Soviet Union.

Father, this young man in our family is called Paul Viktovich Haniyev!"

Vladimir whispered it again and smiled, "Okay, let's call him Paul. Then his nickname must be changed to Pasa."

Haniyev nodded and said, "Father, I'll leave Pasa (Paul's nickname) and Tanya (Tatyana's nickname) in the care of you and mother."

Vladimir's eyes were slightly moist. At this time, someone knocked on the door twice. It was time for him to leave. After asking Haniyev to take care of himself, Vladimir left.

Haniyev had just returned to the room and sat down on the bed when Makar and several other committee members, who had been imprisoned with him because of the secret special care given by officials of the Sherbitsky faction, hurriedly got up and surrounded him.

"Mr. Haniyev, where did they take you? You weren't tortured, were you?"

Seeing everyone's concern for him, Haniyev knew that after the struggle of this great movement, he had truly become the soul and political core of the "Ukrainian People's Movement".

With a slight smile, Haniyev said, "My father came to see me because I was captured by the Cheka. My wife was frightened and the child was born prematurely..."

"Oh!"

"This is how to do?"

"Oh, how's it going?"

……

Haniyev smiled and said, "It was a close call. Both mother and child are safe. I named my son Paul."

"Paul..."